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NEW   DISCOVERY 

OF  A 

VAST  COUNTRY 

IN  AMERICA 

By  Father  Louis  Hennepin 

Reprinted  from  the  second  London  issue  of  i6g8,  with  facsimiles 

of  original  title-pages^  maps,  and  illustrations,  and  the 

addition  of  Introduction,  Notes,  and  Index 

By  Reuben  Gold  Thwaites 

Editor  of^*  The  Jesuit  Relations  and  Allied  Documents  " 


3n  CtoD  l^olumeg 
Volume  I 

(Being  Part  I  of  the  original) 


CHICAGO 

A.  C.  McCLURG  &  CO. 

1903 


Copyright 

A.  C.  McCLURG  &  CO. 
1903 

Published  October  3,  1903 


Composition  by  The  Dial  Press,  Chicago. 

Pressnuork  by  John  JFilson  &  Son, 
University  Press,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  U.  S.  A 


"f 


*J  *J 


H^3 


^ 


.\ 


CONTENTS   OF  VOLUME  I 


Introduction  —  The  Editor    .... 
Bibliographical  Data  —  Victor  Hugo  Paltsits 

Hennepin's  "A  New  Discovery" — Parti 
Title-page  (facsimile  of  original) 
Dedication  to  King  William  III 
Preface      ..... 
Contents  of  the  Chapters 
Text 


IX 

xlv 


I 

3 

9 

13 

23 


ajaii 


Amsterdain  Edition.    1698. 

ThiB  edition  is  a  repri  ^"^^ich 
it  follows  rather  closely,  "even  '^^^ 
star  signature  and  other  individu^'^®'^^^ » 
are  all  numbered  in  Roman  numeral^  ^^ 
the  same  number  of  pages,  and  the^ 
agreeing  wit^  the  bodj'-  of  the  tex^^^h 
the  1697  edition,  save  that  the  ised.   The 
imprint  on  the  title-page  reads  t 

"A  Amsterdam,  /  Chez  Ah^^^^^d 
Libraire.   I^DCXCVIII."  / 


Amsterdam  Edition.         1698. 

This  edition   is  a  reprint   of   the  Utrecht  Ecitlon,    which 
it   follows  rather   closely,    "even  going  so  far  as  to  repeat   the 
Etar  signature  and  other   indlvidualitleE.        The   chapters,   however, 
are  all  numbered   in  Roman  numerals.        The   collation  oonElstB   of 
the  same  number   of  pages,   and  the   last  page    (506)    is   in  type 
agreeing  wit*i  the  bodj'   of  the   text.        Map  and  plates   agree  with 
the   1697   edition,    save   that   the   imprint   on   the  mapc   is   changed.      Tl 
imprint   on  the   title-page   reads   thus: 

"A  Amsterdam,   /  Chez  Abraham  Tan  Someren,   /Marchand 
Libralre.      IJiDCXCViri. "   / 


ILLUSTRATIONS  — VOLUME  I 

(  FACSIMILES  OF  ORIGINALS  ) 

PAGE 

Engraved  frontispiece Frontispiece 

Title-page i 

"A  Map  of  a  Large  Country  Newly  Discovered  in  the 

Northern  America"  .....         facing     22 

View  of  Niagara  Falls "54 

A  Buffalo "146 


INTRODUCTION 

ABOUT  the  year  1640,  Louis  Hennepin,  the  author  of 
this  book,  was  born  in  Belgium,  which  was  then  a 
possession  of  Spain.  He  himself  testifies  that  this  event 
took  place  in  Ath,  a  small  town  on  the  Dender,  in  the  south- 
Hennepin's  wcstcm  provincc  of  Hainaut,  and  some  twenty 
ea.  y  years.  ^\\q^  gjjsj-  jLjy  south  of  Toumay.  This  assertlon  is 
credited  by  his  biographer  Felix  van  Hulst,^  but  Pierre 
Margry  cites  documents^  which  seem  to  prove  that  Henne- 
pin's birth  occurred  at  Roy,  in  Luxembourg  province,  his 
parents  having  removed  thither  from  Ath.  This  conflict  of 
testimony  illustrates  the  confusion  which  has  long  existed  in 
the  minds  of  bibliophiles  and  students  of  American  history 
with  regard  to  many  other  particulars  in  the  life  and  work 
of  our  author ;  for  while  few  have  written  more  profusely  or 
in  more  confident  tone  of  their  own  exploits,  seldom  have 
autobiographers  met  with  so  incredulous  a  reception. 

Of  his  earliest  years  or  of  his  antecedents,  Hennepin  tells 
us  little.  He  says :  "  I  was  from  my  Infancy  very  fond  of 
Travelling ;  and  my  natural  Curiofity  induc'd  me  to  vifit 
many  Parts  of  Europe  one  after  another ;  "  but  a  few  pages 


^  Notice  sur  Le  P.  Hennepin  d' Ath  (Liege,  1845). 

2  According  to  Shea,  in  the  introduction  to  his  translation  of  the  Louisiane  (N.Y., 
80);  but  we  have  ourselves  been  unable  to  find  such  citation  in  Margry's  works, 


X  Introduction 

further  on  we  are  assured  that,  "  I  Always  found  in  my  felf 
a  ftrong  Inclination  to  retire  from  the  World,  and  regulate 
my  Life  according  to  the  Rules  of  pure  and  fevere  Virtue : 
and  in  compliance  with  this  Humour,  I  enter'd  into  the 
Franciscan  Order,  defigning  to  confine  my  felf  to  an  auftere 
Way  of  Living."  Apparently  he  was  still  a  boy  when  he 
Becomes  a  becamc  a  novice  in  the  Recollect  convent  v/ithin  the 
Recollect,  ^y  fortified  town  of  Bethune  in  the  Department  of 
Pas-de-Calais,  France.  The  Recollects  were  austere  prose- 
lyters,  an  offshoot  of  the  Franciscan  order,  and  from  their 
ranks  were  drav/n  the  four  missionaries  whom  Champlain 
introduced  to  Quebec  in  1615. 

Hennepin  appears  to  have  been  an  uneasy  soul,  uncontent 
to  remain  cloistered,  and  fretting  to  engage  in  travel  and 
wild  adventure.  The  annals  of  his  order  abounded  in  deeds 
of  self-sacrifice  upon  the  frontiers  of  civilization.  Contem- 
plation of  the  records  of  these  early  missionaries  inspired 
the  young  grey-gown  with  "  a  Defire  of  tracing  their  Foot- 
fteps,  and  dedicating  my  felf  after  their  Example,  to  the 
Glory  of  God,  and  the  Salvation  of  Souls."  This  was  but  a 
pious  way  of  saying  that  he  longed  for  action;  later,  he 
more  fitly  characterized  his  ambition  as  an  "  Inclination  to 
travel." 

While  in  Holland,  whither  he  had  gone  to  study  the 
Dutch  language, —  no  doubt  French  was  his  family  tongue, 
rather  than  Walloon, —  he  was,  he  says,  urged  by  some 
Amsterdam  friends  to  go  out  as  a  missionary  to  the  East 
Indies;  but  one  of  his  sisters,  "that  was  marry'd  at  Ghent, 


Introduction  xi 

and  whom  I  lov'd  very  tenderly,"  dissuaded  him  from  this 
venture.  Determined,  however,  to  see  the  world,  young 
Journeys  Hennepin  compromised  by  a  journey  to  Italy  and 
in  Europe.  Qerj^any,  "which  did  in  fome  meafure  gratifie  the 
Curiofity  of  my  Temper."  While  abroad,  he  had  an  agree- 
able roving  commission  from  his  father  superior,  to  visit 
"  all  the  great  Churches,  and  moft  confiderable  Convents  of 
our  Order." 

Upon  returning  to  the  Netherlands,  he  was  taken  in 
charge  by  the  bishop  of  Ipres,  a  fellow  Recollect,  who  dis- 
approved of  the  roving  tendencies  of  the  young  friar  and 
compelled  him  to  settle  down  for  a  year  as  preacher  in  a 
convent  in  Hainaut.  "  After  which,  with  Confent  of  my 
Superior,  I  went  into  the  Country  of  Artois,  from  whence  I 
was  fent  to  Calais,  to  act  the  part  of  a  Mendicant  there  in 
time  of  Herring-falting." 

This  was  a  mission  more  in  accordance  with  the  adven- 
turous spirit  of  our  author,  for  at  the  fishing  port  of  Calais 
he  was  necessarily  thrown  in  with  sailors  and  other  travellers, 
whose  tales  of  wandering  filled  his  soul  with  dehght.  "  I 
Hears  sea-  was,"  he  says,  "  paffionately  in  love  with  hearing 
faring  tales.  ^j^^  Rektions  that  Matters  of  Ships  gave  of  their 
Voyages.  Afterwards  I  return'd  to  our  Convent  at  Biez,  by 
the  way  of  Dunkirk :  But  I  us'd  oft-times  to  fculk  behind 
the  Doors  of  Victualling-Houfes,  to  hear  the  Sea-men  give 
an  Account  of  their  Adventures.  The  Smoak  of  tobacco 
was  offenfive  to  me,  and  created  Pain  in  my  Stomach,  while 
I  was  thus  intent  upon  giving  ear  to  their  Relations :    But 


xii  Introduction 

for  all  I  was  very  attentive  to  the  Accounts  they  gave  of 
their  Encounters  by  Sea,  the  Perils  they  had  gone  through, 
and  all  the  Accidents  which  befell  them  in  their  long  Voyages. 
This  Occupation  was  fo  agreeable  and  engaging,  that  I  have 
fpent  whole  Days  and  Nights  at  it  without  eating;  for  hereby 
I  always  came  to  understand  fome  new  thing,  concerning  the 
Cuftoms  and  Ways  of  Living  in  remote  Places ;  and  concern- 
ing the  Pleafantnefs,  Fertility,  and  Riches  of  the  Countries 
where  thefe  Men  had  been."  Perhaps  this  was  not  a  dignified 
proceeding  for  a  grey-friar  in  cowl  and  sandals ;  but  there 
was  always  much  of  the  boy  in  Hennepin.  Any  healthy  lad 
who  has  revelled  in  Treasure  Island^  or  listened  even  to  the 
relatively  commonplace  sailors  of  our  time  as  they  spin  their 
yarns  over  pipe  and  bowl,  can  but  sympathize  with  this 
picturesque  young  Fleming  who  was  by  nature  a  wanderer, 
yet  fettered  by  a  frock  which  compelled  him  to  hide,  whereas 
he  yearned  to  question  his  tap-room  heroes  face  to  face. 

Fired  still  further  by  a  desire  to  travel,  the  uneasy  youth 
now  "  went  Miffionary  into  mofl  part  of  the  Towns  of  Hol- 
land." During  eight  months  in  1673  he  was  at  the  fortified 
town  of  Maestricht,  then  a  scene  of  activity  in  connection 
An  army  with  the  War  which  the  Prince  of  Orange  was  waging 
chaplain.  y^\^\^  ^\^q  French,  in  defence  of  the  Dutch  provinces. 
While  there,  he  claims  to  have  "  adminifter'd  the  Sacraments 
to  above  Three  thoufand  wounded  Men,"  in  the  course  of 
which  duty  he  grew  ill  of  a  fever  and  came  near  to  losing  his 
life. 

"  The  fingular  Zeal  I  had  for  promoting  the  Good  of 


Introduction  xiil 

Souls,"  declares  our  self-satisfied  apostle,  "  engag'd  me  the 
Year  following  to  be  present  at  the  Battle  of  Seneflfe,^  where 
I  was  bufied  in  adminiftering  Comfort  to  the  poor  wounded 
Men :  Till  at  length,  after  having  endur'd  all  manner  of 
Fatigue  and  Toil,  and  having  run  the  rifque  of  extreme 
Dangers  at  Sieges  of  Towns  in  the  Trenches,  and  in  Fields 
of  Battel,  (where  I  never  ceas'd  to  expofe  my  felf  for  the 
good  of  Mens  Souls)  while  thofe  bloody  Men  were  breathing 
nothing  but  Slaughter  and  Blood,  I  happily  found  my  felf 
in  a  condition  to  fatisfie  my  firft  Inclination."  He  had  been 
called  from  his  army  chaplaincy  by  the  father  superior,  and 
ordered  to  proceed  to  La  Rochelle,  then  the  chief  port  for 
vessels  sailing  to  New  France,  and  there  seek  an  early  oppor- 
tunity to  obtain  passage  for  Quebec. 

The  Recollects  were  introduced  into  New  France  as 
evangelists  to  the  Indians,  by  Champlain  himself;  but  find- 
ing themselves,  a  mendicant  order  without  funds,  unequal  to 
Recollects  in  a  task  necessitating  a  considerable  expenditure  of 
money,  they  had  in  1624  invited  the  more  power- 
ful Jesuits  to  share  the  work  with  them.  The  two  orders 
labored  together,  not  without  some  friction,  until  the  EngHsh 
conquest  (1629).  When  England  released  her  control  in 
1632,  the  Jesuits  returned  alone,  and  it  was  not  until  1670 
that  the  Recollects  were  again  brought  upon  the  scene  — 
this  time  by  the  intendant  Talon,  who  wished  to  use  them 
as  a  foil  to  the  Jesuits,  of  whom  he  was  not  fond.  To  the 
little   company  of   grey-gowns  then   established   at  Quebec, 

^  Aug.  II,  1674. 


xiv  Introduction 

five  others  were  added  In  1675,  at  the  request  of  Frontenac. 

We  may  well  be  sure  that  Hennepin  used  such  arts  as 
were  practicable  to  secure  service  in  so  inviting  a  field  as 
North  America,  which  in  his  day  offered  possibilities  in  the 
line  of  adventure  unequalled  elsewhere  in  the  world.  The 
voyage  on  the  Mississippi  River  by  Joliet  and  Marquette 
had  but  recently  been  made  known  in  Europe ;  and  perhaps 
at  no  time  was  the  spirit  of  discovery,  the  yearning  for  dar- 
ing continental  exploits  on  behalf  of  New  France,  more 
generally  diffused. 

Of  that  little  ship's  company  in  the  summer  of  1675,  were 
three  men  destined  to  become  famous  in  different  walks 
of  life  —  Fran?ois-Xavier  de  Laval-Montmorency,  bishop  of 
the  newly-established  see  of  Quebec  ;  Rene-Robert  Cavelier, 
Hennepin  sails  Sicur  de  la  Salle,  the  great  explorer,  who  had 
for  Quebec.  recently  been  raised  by  the  king  to  the  dignity 
of  an  untitled  nobleman  and  to  the  governorship  of  Fort 
Frontenac ;  and  our  hero.  They  arrived  in  Quebec  in  Sep- 
tember, after  the  usual  ocean-crossing  incidents  of  the  time, 
their  vessel  having  been  unsuccessfully  attacked  by  Turkish 
and  Algerian  pirates  in  turn. 

Upon  the  voyage,  the  friar  was,  according  to  his  own 
story,  rebuked  by  La  Salle  because  he  had  sought  to  restrain 
the  boisterous  conduct  of  several  young  women  who  were 
being  sent  to  Canada  to  find  husbands  among  the  settlers. 
Hennepin  declares  that  to  that  trivial  incident  was  traceable 
La  Salle's  persistent  enmity  to  him  in  later  years ;  but  in  his 


Introduction  xv 

earliest  book  Hennepin  declares  that  he  and  La  Salle  were 
friendly,  and  at  Fort  Frontenac  planned  their  discoveries 
together.  It  was  not  until  after  La  Salle's  death,  when  he 
sought  to  appropriate  to  himself  credit  for  the  former's 
explorations,  that  Hennepin  alludes  to  this  animosity. 
La  Salle  probably  conceived  a  dislike  for  the  missionary, 
while  upon  their  Western  expedition. 

During  the  young  Recollect's  first  four  years  in  Canada  he 
occupied,  at  least  nominally,  the  post  of  preacher  in  Advent 
and  Lent  to  the  cloister  of  St.  Augustin  in  the  Hotel-Dieu 
at  Quebec.  Restless,  as  usual,  he  was  not  content  to  remain 
Rigorous  ^o'^g  within  the  stone  walls  of  the  dreary  little  capital 
training.  Qf  Ncw  Francc.  The  greater  part  of  each  year  was 
spent  as  an  itinerant  missionary,  following  the  hunters  to 
their  camps,  visiting  the  Indian  cantonments,  and  making 
notes  on  the  country.  In  chapter  ii  of  Part  i,  he  gives  us  a 
vivid  picture  of  his  costume  and  his  method  of  travelling  — 
in  winter,  a  dog-sledge  carried  his  clothing  and  portable 
altar,  while  he,  enveloped  in  gown  and  cowl,  shuffled  along 
behind  in  his  snowshoes ;  in  summer,  a  canoe  was  his  convey- 
ance, and  Indians  and  long-haired  voyageurs  his  companions. 
This  rugged  life,  in  which  he  trained  himself  for  the  great 
wilderness  journeys  to  come,  was  filled  with  hardships  and 
dangers  —  for  the  canoeist  was  in  momentary  peril  of  losing 
his  life  in  rapids,  and  the  traveller  by  snowshoes  of  "  falling 
headlong  over  fearful  Precipices";  Indian  treachery  was  ever 
to  be  feared;  "In  the  Night-time  I  had  nothing  to  cover  me 


xvi  Introduction 

but  a  Cloak  ;  and  fometimes  the  Froft  pierc'd  to  my  very 
Bones;"  while  "My  Commons  alfo  were  very  fhort,  fcarce 
more  than  to  keep  me  from  ftarvlng." 

At  first,  his  mission  called  him  little  more  than  a  hundred 
miles  from  Quebec,  from  whose  gates  the  almost  unbroken 
wilderness  stretched  in  all  directions  ;  but  after  a  time  he  was 
ordered  to  Fort  Frontenac,  which  had  been  built  in  1673 
Missionary  at  upon  the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Kingston, 
Fort  Frontenac.  Qntario,  and  now  was  commanded  by  his  ship- 
mate. La  Salle.  Here,  upon  the  shore  of  Lake  Ontario,  "  a 
Hundred  Leagues  from  Quebec,"  in  company  with  a  brother 
Recollect,  Father  Luke  Buisset,  he  "  perfuaded  feveral  of  the 
barbarous  Iroquefe,  to  cultivate  the  Ground,"  and  erected  a 
chapel  for  the  instruction  of  the  tribesmen  whom  La  Salle 
had  persuaded  to  settle  there.  "  I  there  gave  my  felf  much," 
he  writes,  "to  the  reading  of  Voyages,  and  encreas'd  the 
Ambition  I  had  to  purfue  my  Defign "  of  "  making  this 
Difcovery  I  am  about  to  relate"  —  the  exploration  of  the 
Mississippi  Valley. 

He  claims  to  have  one  winter  (1676-77)  visited,  while  at 
Frontenac,  all  of  the  principal  cantonments  of  the  Iroquois, 
or  "  Five  Nations,"  his  escort  being  a  French  soldier  from 
the  fort.  At  one  time  they  lodged  with  Father  Jacques 
Among  the  Bruyas,  one  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries  to  the  Iro- 
iroquois.  quois.  In  April,  having  encountered  a  party  of 
Dutch  fur-traders  who  had  come  out  to  pick  up  beaver  pelts, 
Hennepin  apparently  returned  with   these   men   to  Albany 


Introduction  xvii 

(then  New  Orange),^  where  he  was  kindly  received  because 
he  spoke  Dutch.  There  were  many  Dutch  CathoHcs  at  New 
Orange,  who  invited  the  Flemish  friar  to  settle  among  them 
as  their  priest ;  but  he  declares  that  fear  of  offending  the 
French  Jesuits,  and  of  injuring  the  fur  trade  of  New  France, 
whose  chief  commercial  rivals  were  the  Dutch  traders,  im- 
pelled him  to  decline  these  advances. 

After  a  chaplaincy  of  two  years  and  a  half  at  Fort  Fron- 
tenac,  —  so  says  Hennepin,  but  his  dates  are  sadly  confusing, 
—  he  and  Father  Buisset  returned  in  a  canoe  to  Quebec, 
"  where  I  retir'd  into  the  Recollets  Convent  of  St.  Mary,  in 
order  to  prepare  and  fandlifie  my  felf  for  commencing  our 
Difcovery."  Throughout  all  of  his  books  runs  the  assump- 
tion that  he.  Father  Hennepin,  was  the  person  who  originated 
and  planned  the  explorations  which  he  records,  but  which 
posterity  perversely  associates  chiefly  with  the  name  of  La 
Salle ;  although  sometimes  he  magnanimously  allows  the  lat- 
ter, as  in  the  foregoing  sentence,  equal  honors  with  himself. 

In  1677  La  Salle  had  gone  to  Paris  to  interest  the  court 
in  forwarding  his  gigantic  scheme  for  an  exploration  which 
was  to  result  in  connecting  Canada  with  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
by  means  of  a  chain  of  forts  upon  the  Great  Lakes  and 
rivers.  Successful  in  this  mission,  he  reached  Quebec  in  the 
middle  of  September  the  following  year,  eager  at  once  to 
commence   his    splendid  enterprise.      Practically  all   of   the 


^  Hennepin's  account  leaves  the  reader  in  small  doubt  as  to  this ;  but  Brodhead's 
History  of  N e^uj  York,  ii,  p.  307,  does  not  accept  this  conclusion. 
b 


xviii  Introduction 

exploring  parties  whose  records  form  a  part  of  the  annals 
of  New  France  contained  one  or  more  missionaries,  for  the 
work  of  the  church  went  hand  in  hand  with  the  service  of 
the  king  ;  territorial  expansion  meant  new  fields  not  only 
for  the  beaver  trade  but  for  the  possible  conversion  of  the 
heathen.  The  Jesuits  were  members  and  annalists  of  several 
such  expeditions,  Marquette  having  thus  served  with  Joliet; 
Selected  to    but  La  Sallc,  although  educated  in  a  Jesuit  house, 

accompany 

La  Salle,  was  uow  at  outs  with  that  order,  and  preferred  the 
company  of  the  humbler  Recollects.  Selected  by  his  superior 
to  accompany  La  Salle  upon  this  ambitious  journey  into  the 
continental  interior,  Hennepin,  summoned  to  Quebec,  impa- 
tiently awaited  the  great  explorer's  return. 

La  Salle  arrived  at  the  close  of  September,  1678,  bringing 
to  the  friar,  from  Paris,  the  formal  command  of  the  Recollect 
provincial.  Hennepin  was  forthwith  entertained  at  dinner 
by  the  governor.  Count  Frontenac,  and  received  the  blessing 
of  Bishop  Laval;  while  both  of  these  dignitaries  gave  him 
written  certificates  of  their  approbation.  Frontenac,  in  par- 
ticular, "  a  Man  that  teftify'd  a  great  deal  of  Afifection  for 
our  Flemifh  Recolleds,  becaufe  of  our  Candour  and  Inge- 
nuity .  .  .  was  pleas'd  to  give  publicke  Teflimonie  to  the 
Generofity  of  my  Undertaking,  while  we  were  fet  at  Table." 

While  La  Salle  was  preparing  the  details  of  the  expedi- 
tion and  gathering  supplies,  Hennepin  was  sent  on  in  ad- 
Sentonin  vance  to  Fort  Frontenac,  "that,"  he  grandiloquently 
advance,  ^ssures  US,  "my  Departure  might  oblige  the  reft 
to  expedite  their  Affairs  with  fpeed."     His  own  equipment 


Introduction  xix 

was  modest,  such  as  he  had  often  to  carry  upon  his  back 
during  the  three  years  to  come,  comprising  only  "  my  porta- 
ble Chapel,  one  Blanket,  and  a  Matt  of  Rufhes,  which  was 
to  ferve  me  for  Bed  and  Quilt."  His  dress  was  that  of  the 
order:  a  coarse  grey  robe  with  pointed  hood,  a  rope  about 
the  waist,  crucifix  and  rosary  hanging  from  this  rude  girdle, 
and  sandahjjponhis^eet  —  the  last-named  a  special  conces- 
sion for  American  missionaries,  for  the  Recollect  mendicants 
in  Europe  were  barefooted.  Thus  attired  and  equipped, 
our  hero  —  now  some  thirty;;seven_yearsLof_age,  in  the  prime 
of  his  vigor  and  aglow  with  hope  —  joyfully  descended  the 
angling  path  to  the  strand  of  Lower  Town,  doubtless  arm  in 
arm  with  his  brother  monks.  Awaiting  him  were  two  lusty 
voyageurs  with  a  birch-bark  canoe,  into  which  he  stepped 
with  practised  care ;  and  soon  he  was  waving  farewell  to  the 
prayerful  little  group  upon  the  shore,  whose  blessings  he 
carried  forth  upon  the  strange  journey  wherein  he  was  to 
win  both  fame  and  obloquy. 

Now  and  then  he  stopped  upon  his  way  to  minister  to 
lonely  little  groups  of  habitants  —  fishers,  hunters,  voyageurs, 
and  farmers  all  in  one,  as  season  or  opportunity  demanded 
—  who  had  cut  notches  out  of  the  riverside  forest,  and, 
seldom  seeing  a  priest,  were  rejoiced  at  this  unexpected  vis- 
itation. Once  he  baptized  a  child,  and  frequently  preached 
Voyage  to  ^^d  Said  mass.     At  Montreal,  his  canoemen  de- 

FortFrootenac.  ^^^^^^  j^j^^  evidently  bribed  by  La  Salle's  com- 
mercial enemies,  who  were  jealous  of  the  explorer's  fur-trade 
monopoly  and  these  ambitious  projects  towards  the  West. 


XX  Introduction 

But,  not  disheartened,  the  adventurous  friar  promptly  en- 
gaged two  substitutes,  and  after  some  minor  incidents  of 
wilderness  travel  arrived  at  Fort  Frontenac  late  in  the  night 
of  the  second  of  November.  There  he  was  greeted  by 
his  old  comrade.  Father  Buisset,  who,  with  Father  Gabriel 
Ribourde,  newly  arrived  from  France,  had  preceded  him 
upon  this  dangerous  journey.  Six  days  later.  La  Motte 
de  Lussiere,  one  of  La  Salle's  lieutenants,  arrived  with  the 
majority  of  the  party,  leaving  La  Salle  and  his  chief  ally, 
Henri  de  Tonty,  to  follow  a  month  later. 

La  Motte  brought  orders  from  La  Salle  to  dispatch  an 
advance  party  of  fifteen  men  in  canoes,  to  notify  the  Indians 
along  the  lakes,  especially  upon  Lake  Michigan  and  in  the 
Illinois  country,  of  the  coming  of  the  expedition,  and  to  win 
their  hearts  by  presents  and  soft  speeches ;  also  to  gather 
peltries,  for  La  Salle  had  obtained  a  practical  monopoly  of 
the  forest  trade  in  the  far  West,  and  the  costs  of  the  enter- 
prise, represented  by  the  explorer's  numerous  debts  left  be- 
hind him  in  France  and  Quebec,  must  be  met  by  the  profits 
of  this  traffic.  La  Motte  and  Hennepin,  with  sixteen  men, 
meanwhile  sailed  in  La  Salle's  brigantine,  of  ten  tons  bur- 
then, to  Niagara.  The  tempestuous  voyage  occupied  from 
Arrival  at  the  eighteenth  of  November  to  the  sixth  of  Decem- 
lagara.  -^^^^  ^^  ^  point  about  two  leagucs  up  Niagara 
River,  La  Motte  commenced  the  erection  of  a  fort,  but  soon 
abandoned  this  project  when  it  became  evident  that  the 
nearest  Iroquois  tribe,  the  Senecas,  were  jealous  of  so  for- 
midable an  intrusion ;   he  thereupon  contented  himself  with 


Introduction  xxi 

constructing  "  an  Habitation  encompafs'd  with  Palifados  "  to 
protect  his  magazines. 

Late  in  December,  La  Salle  and  Tonty,  with  the  remaining 
supplies,  set  sail  in  "a  great  Barque"  from  Fort  Frontenac. 
Their  pilot  almost  succeeded  in  wrecking  them  on  Christmas 
eve,  off  the  Bay  of  Quinte.  Later,  they  landed  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Genesee  and  visited  a  large  town  of  the  Senecas,  who 
Senecas  Tcluctantly  conscntcd  to  allow  La  Salle  to  transport 
conciiated.  j^j^  supplics  and  equipment  by  the  portage-path 
around  Niagara  Falls,  to  build  a  vessel  above  the  cataract, 
and  there  erect  a  fortified  trading-house  as  a  base  of  oper- 
ations. Proceeding  to  Niagara  River,  La  Salle  again  left  his 
vessel,  to  select  a  ship-yard  site  above  the  falls ;  but  the  pilot, 
possibly  corrupted  by  enemies,  this  time  allowed  the  bark  to 
be  lost  off  shore  in  a  storm.  Of  its  precious  cargo  nothing 
was  saved,  except  cables  and  anchors  destined  for  the  vessel 
which  it  was  proposed  to  build  for  the  upper  lakes. 

With  great  labor,  of  which  the  friar  —  after  the  custom  of 
missionaries  in  New  France  —  no  doubt  performed  his  full 
share,  the  heavy  stores  were  duly  portaged  to  the  mouth  of 
Lake  Erie,  "two  Leagues  above  the  great  Fall,"  and  work 
Building  the  commenced  on  the  building  of  the  "Griffon,"  a 
sailing-vessel  of  some  forty-five  tons  burthen.  In 
February  (1679)  La  Salle  made  a  perilous  trip  through  the 
forest  and  over  the  ice  to  Fort  Frontenac,  a  distance  of 
about  tv/o  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  to  obtain  additional 
equipment,  to  replace  that  lost  in  the  bark.  Meanwhile, 
Tonty  —  La  Motte   had   returned   to   the   settlements   soon 


xxii  Introduction 

after  the  arrival  at  Niagara  —  proceeded  with  the  construc- 
tion of  the  "Griffon";  and  in  due  time  she  was  launched, 
to  the  great  astonishment  of  the  simple  Iroquois,  who,  in- 
fluenced by  La  Salle's  opponents,  had  done  their  best  to 
hamper  the  enterprise.  Indeed,  several  of  the  white  servants 
of  the  expedition  also  gave  much  trouble,  having  doubtless 
been  bribed  to  spread  a  spirit  of  mutiny. 

It  was  the  end  of  July  before  La  Salle  returned,  having 
been  delayed  by  the  agents  of  importunate  creditors,  whose 
untimely  demands  threatened  destruction  of  his  hopes.  But 
the  resourceful  adventurer  finally  compromised  with  them, 
and  hurried  back  to  his  men,  who  were  now  housed  aboard 
the  vessel,  for  the  hostility  of  the  Iroquois  rendered  life 
ashore  beset  with  peril. 

Men  thrown  closely  together  in  exploring  parties  are  often 
depressed  by  long  periods  of  enforced  idleness,  and  possibly 
misery  in  many  other  forms ;  in  that  mood  they  readily  find 
occasion  for  quarrelling,  especially  v/ith  those  who  exercise 
that  strict  command  which  Is  essential  to  success.  Tonty,  a 
masterful  man,  had  trouble  not  only  with  the  servants,  but 
with  the  missionary  himself;  the  latter  declares  that  he  not 
Hennepin    only  dlslikcd  all  subjects  of  Spain,  such  as  Hennepin 

disliked  _.,.  .,  ,  /-ti 

by  Tonty.  Still  was,  but  Suffered  from  jealousy,  "  becaule  1  kept 
a  Journal  of  all  the  confiderable  Things  that  were  tranfaded ; 
and  that  he  defign'd  to  take  the  fame  from  me.  This  Advice 
oblig'd  me  to  ftand  upon  my  Guard,  and  take  all  other  Pre- 
cautions, to  fecure  my  Obfervations."  It  is  well  for  us  that 
Tonty,  who  evidently  had  small  patience  with  a  man  of  Hen- 


Introduction  xxiii 

nepin's  character,  failed  in  his  designs  against  the  father's 
note-book ;  for  to  it  we  owe  the  first  detailed  description 
and  illustration  of  Niagara  Falls,  as  well  as  much  else  which 
sheds  strong  light  on  the  enterprises  of  La  Salle  and  the  life 
and  manners  of  North  American  savages  at  the  time  when 
they  first  came  in  contact  with  white  men. 

During  the  spring,  apparently  wishing  to  go  into  "retreat," 
Hennepin  himself  repaired  to  Fort  Frontenac,  in  company 
Returns      with  a  Canadian  for  whom  also  Tonty  had  conceived 

to  Fort 

Frontenac.  a  dislike.^  Descending  the  Niagara  in  a  canoe,  they 
took  passage  in  the  brigantine  which  had  brought  La  Motte 
and  the  friar  in  the  previous  December,  and  was  now  en- 
gaged on  La  Salle's  behalf  in  the  Lake  Ontario  fur  trade. 
After  many  adventures,  and  several  visits  to  Indian  villages, 
wherein  peltries  were  bargained  for  by  the  master  of  the 
vessel,  the  travellers  finally  reached  the  fort,  being  fondly 
greeted  by  the  four  Recollects  whom  they  found  there  — 
Ribourde,  Buisset,  Zenobe  Membre,  and  Melithon  Watteau, 
all  of  them  compatriots  of  Hennepin,  *'  Natives  of  the  Spanifh 
Netherlands." 

At  the  instance  of  La  Salle,  Ribourde,  Membre,  and 
Watteau  returned  to  Niagara  with  our  hero,  on  board  of  the 
Missionary  fur-trade  brigantine.  Stopping  to  trade  with  the 
recruits.  Indians,  the  vessel  lay  in  Irondequoit  Bay,  and  was 
joined  eight  days  later  by  La  Salle,  who  came  in  a  canoe 
along  the  southern  coast  of  the  lake. 


1  So  says  Hennepin.    But  in  the  apochryphal  Tonty  relation  (Margry,  Decowvertes, 
i>  P-  578)  it  is  stated  that  Tonty  sent  eleven  men  with  Hennepin, 


xxiv  Introduction 

Upon  the  fourth  of  August,  La  Salle  and  the  four  Flemish 
friars  reached  the  "  Griflfon."  It  had  been  arranged  by  the 
Recollect  authorities  that  Watteau  should  be  left  behind  at 
the  warehouse  above  the  falls,  to  minister  to  the  neighboring 
Senecas ;  while  Hennepin,  Ribourde,  and  Membre  were  to 
accompany  the  expedition  to  carry  the  gospel  to  the  Western 
tribes. 

The  "  Griffon,"  departing  from  the  Niagara  ship-yard 
upon  the  seventh  of  August,  the  first  sailing-vessel  to  plow 
The  the  waters  of  the  upper  lakes,  enjoyed  a  pleasant 

"  Griffon  " 

sails,  passage  through  Lake  Erie,  the  strait  of  Detroit, 

and  Lake  St.  Clair.  Upon  Lake  Huron,  however,  a  violent 
storm  alarmed  the  travellers,  so  that  they  were  glad  to  find 
peaceful  anchorage  off  Point  St.  Ignace,  in  the  straits  of 
Mackinac.  The  Jesuit  missionaries  there  established  made 
them  welcome ;  although  Hennepin,  with  characteristic  jeal- 
ousy, fails  even  to  mention  their  black-gown  hosts.  It  was 
from  this  haven  that  Joliet  and  Marquette  had  departed,  six 
years  previous,  to  discover  the  Mississippi  River. 

After  a  week  in  the  Mackinac  region,  the  "  Griffon  "  en- 
tered Lake  Michigan  and  ran  over  to  Washington  Island,  off 
the  mouth  of  Green  Bay.  Here  La  Salle  found  some  of  the 
At  Green  advance  partyj)fjraders  whom  he  had  dbpatched  the 
^^'  yearjbefqr^;  they  had  accumulated  a  goodly  store  of 
furs,  which  were  promptly  loaded  into  the  vessel.  Such  were 
La  Salle's  financial  straits  that  he  deemed  it  wise  to  hurry  for- 
ward to  his  creditors  this  valuable  cargo,  thereby  to  secure 


Introduction  xxv 

the  release  of  such  of  his  property  as  they  had  seized  at  Fort 
Fronteiiac  and  elsewhere.  The  crew  of  the  "Griffon"  were 
accordingly  ordered  to  sail  at  once  to  Niagara,  and  then 
"  with  all  imaginable  fpeed,  to  join  us  toward  the  Sourthen 
Parts  of  the  Lake,  where  we  (hould  ftay  for  them  among  the 
Illinois." 

Leaving  the  islands  upon  the  nineteenth  of  September, 
La  Salle,  with  fourteen  men  in  five  heavily-laden  canoes, 
paddled  southward  along  the  Wisconsin  shore  of  Lake 
Michigan.  It  was  a  long  and  weary  journey,  involving  much 
hardship,  and  actual  danger  from  storms  and  hostile  savages. 
In  some  of  the  encounters  with  the  natives,  the  party  came 
close  to  disaster;  but  persistence,  diplomacy,  and  courage 
carried  them  safely  through,  although  it  was  the  first  of 
Voyage  to    November  before  they  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  St. 

St.  Joseph  _  -^    ^ 

River.  Joseoh  River — "the  River  of  Miamis,"  in  Henne- 
pin's text.  Tonty  and  twenty  men  had  been  left  behind  at 
St.  Ignace  with  orders  to  proceed  to  this  point  by  way  of 
the  eastern  (Michigan)  shore  of  the  lake;  but  it  was  twenty 
days  before  he  succeeded  in  joining  his  master,  having  been 
detained  by  storms  and  scarcity  of  food.  As  for  the  "Grif- 
fon," it  had  not  yet  appeared,  and  for  many  months  La 
Salle  v/as  heartsick  with  anxiety  for  her  fate.  It  was  not 
until  long  after,  that  the  unfortunate  pathfinder  learned  of 
her  loss  in  a  storm  between  Green  Bay  and  Mackinac,  owing 
to  the  unskilfulness  of  the  pilot  —  although  there  were  not 
lacking  rumors  of  positive  treachery. 


xxvi  Introduction 

Leaving  a  small  garrison  in  the  log  fort  which  had  been 
erected  at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Joseph,  the  remainder  of  the 
now  reunited  party — thirty-three  in  number  —  left  upon  the 
third  of  December  to  ascend  the  river  and  proceed  over  the 
portage  (at  the  present  South  Bend,  Ind.)  to  the  Kankakee 
On  the  branch  of  the   Illinois.      The   expedition   moved 

lUinois  River.  gjQ^jy^  fQj-  ^^g  pressure  for  food  necessitated 
scouring  the  woods  for  game,  so  that  it  was  the  last  of  the 
month  before  they  reached  the  great  town  of  the  Illinois, 
near  the  present  Utica.  The  inhabitants  were  away  upon 
their  winter  hunt,  leaving  the  lodges  empty,  thus  making  it 
necessary  for  the  explorers  to  proceed  further ;  although  in 
the  absence  of  the  owners  they  helped  themselves  liberally 
to  dried  corn,  of  which  there  was  a  large  supply  in  con- 
cealed pits. 

Upon  New  Year's  Day  (1680)  the  expedition  reached  the 
broadening  of  Illinois  River  which  we  now  call  Peoria  Lake. 
Meeting  the  The  occasion  was  celebrated  by  the  friars  in  say- 
iiiinois  Indians,    j^^  ^^^^  .  u  ^^^  having  wifli'd  a  happy  New-year 

to  M.  la  Salle,  and  to  all  others,  I  thought  fit  to  make  a 
pathetical  Exhortation  to  our  Grumblers,  to  encourage  them 
to  go  on  chearfully,  and  infpire  them  with  Union  and  Con- 
cord. Father  Gabriel,  Zenobe,  and  I,  embrac'd  them  after- 
wards ;  and  they  promis'd  to  continue  firm  in  their  Duty." 
Later  in  the  day,  a  short  distance  below  the  lake,  they  en- 
countered an  Illinois  village  of  eighty  cabins,  wherein,  after 
the  usual  flurry  of  alarm  on  the  part  of  the  savages,  they  were 
treated  with  courtesy. 


Introduction  xxvii 

But,  even  in  this  remote  corner  of  the  wilderness,  La 
Salle  soon  found  that  his  enemies  were  at  work.  That  night 
Enemies  there  appeared  in  the  village  a  Mascoutin  chief  who 
atwor  .  Q^^YHQ  to  council  with  the  Miamis ;  seeing  La  Salle, 
he  denounced  him  as  engaged  on  a  mission  to  induce  the 
Western  tribes  to  unite  with  the  Iroquois  in  devastating 
the  country  of  the  Illinois.  To  add  to  his  mortification,  La 
Salle  discovered  the  following  morning  that  six  of  his  men 
had  deserted  him  and  disappeared  within  the  forest,  where 
doubtless  they  became  coureurs-de-bois,  the  most  fascinating 
occupation  which  offered  itself  to  adventurous  spirits  in  New 
France. 

La  Salle,  having  by  his  firm  yet  friendly  manner  disarmed 
criticism  among  his  hosts,  erected  a  palisaded  defense  on  a 
hill  in  the  vicinity  of  the  cantonment,  and  called  it  Fort 
Fort  Crevecoeur  (Heart-break) — a  name  long  thought  by 

Crevecoeur.  [^jstorians  to  refer  to  the  heart-rending  situation  in 
which  he  found  himself ;  but  apparently  it  was  in  compliment 
to  Louis  XIV  of  France,  in  allusion  to  that  monarch's  capture 
(1672)  and  subsequent  demolition  of  a  Netherlands  strong- 
hold thus  named,  near  Bois-le-Duc. 

Upon  the  first  of  March  La  Salle  again  set  out  for  Fort 
Frontenac,  accompanied  by  an  Indian  hunter  and  four 
La  Salle      Frenchmen,  seeking  equipment   for  a   vessel  to    be 

leaves  for 

Canada.  ercctcd  at  Crevecoeur  for  carrying  his  party  down 
the  Mississippi.  It  was  a  dangerous  journey  of  about  a 
thousand  miles  by  land  and  water,  the  making  of  which  con- 
sumed sixty-five  weary  days.     Although  met  by  enemies  and 


xxviii  Introduction 

grasping  creditors,  he  contrived  to  duplicate  the  supplies  of 
material  for  the  new  vessel,  which  had  vainly  been  expected 
on  the  ill-fated  "  Griffon,"  and  then  set  out  for  Crevecceur 
to  rejoin  Tonty. 

But  we  are  in  the  present  notice  henceforth  less  concerned 
with  the  checkered  career  of  La  Salle  —  who,  though  con- 
tinually harrassed  by  fate,  returned  again  and  again  to  the 
giant  task  to  which  he  had  set  himself,  only  to  fail  at  last  — 
than  we  are  with  the  progress  of  Hennepin,  whose  adven- 
tures must  now  exclusively  claim  our  attention.  Upon  the 
day  previous  to  La  Salle's  departure  from  Crevecceur,  he 
had  dispatched  our  hero  with  two  companions  to  descend  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Illinois  River  and  for  some  distance  upon 
the  Mississippi,  and  report  upon  the  country.  It  appears 
from  Hennepin's  own  confession,  that  although  presumably 
a  rugged  man,  he  had  weakened  at  thought  of  the  hardships 
Hennepin  ^^^  pcrils  of  such  a  trip.  Claiming  that  a  disease 
weakens.  ^£  ^-^^  gums  ncccssitatcd  his  return  to  Canada  for 
treatment,  he  sought  to  induce  Ribourde  to  take  his  place ; 
but  the  latter  excused  himself,  for  he  was  now  sixty-five  years 
of  age  and  feeling  old  —  the  forest  missionaries  of  New 
France  early  became,  like  their  barbaric  wards,  the  victims  of 
rheumatism  and  lung  diseases.  Membre  was  also  approached, 
but  that  father,  despite  his  freely-expressed  disHke  of  the 
work  which  fell  to  him  in  the  foul-smelling  and  turbulent 
villages  of  the  Illinois,  concluded  in  this  juncture  that  his 
duty  lay  among  a  people  whose  language  he  understood ;  a 


Introduction  xxix 

few  months  later,  RIbourde  was  slain  by  Kickapoos  who  ob- 
jected to  conversion.  Hence  Hennepin  must  sacrifice  him- 
self, his  fellow-travellers  being  Michel  Accau  (or  Ako)  and 
Hisexpedi-  Antoinc  Augel,  who  was  nicknamed  "  le  Picard  " 
tion  starts,  {^g^^^gg  from  PIcardy.  While  Hennepin  throughout 
his  narrative  characteristically  speaks  of  himself  as  the  leader, 
and  as  a  rule  only  mentions  his  companions  as  "  the  two  Men 
who  were  with  me,"  Accau  appears  to  have  been  the  real 
head  of  the  party,  the  grey-gown  being  merely  the  usual 
ecclesiastical  supernumerary. 

Up  to  the  point  of  their  reaching  the  mouth  of  the  Illi- 
nois, some  fifty  leagues  below  Crevecoeur,  we  are,  in  Henne- 
pin's journal,  treading  upon  firm  ground.  By  means  of  the 
accounts  of  La  Salle,  the  report  ascribed  to  Tonty,  and  vari- 
ous contemporary  documents,  we  are  able  to  corroborate  the 
father's  narrative ;  and  find  it  in  the  main  trustworthy,  save 
for  the  vainglorious  attitude  which  detracts  from  its  merit, 
although  this  leads  no  discriminating  reader  astray.  Hence- 
forth, however,  we  are  in  more  or  less  doubt,  for  not  only 
are  some  of  the  father's  statements,  especially  as  given  in  the 
book  here  reprinted,  quite  impossible  of  credence,  but  we 
shall  see  that  his  several  narratives  are  in  themselves  con- 
tradictory. 

His  earliest  volume.  Description  de  la  Lotiisiane,  was  pub- 
lished in  Paris  less  than  three  years  after  this  adventure.  In 
that,  as  well  as  in  chapter  xxxvi  of  the  present  volume  (which 
is  in  large  measure  a  direct  translation  of  the  Louisiane) ,  Hen- 


XXX  Introduction 

nepin  claims  that,  having  left  Crevecceur  upon  the  twenty- 
ninth  of  February,  "  On  the  seventh  of  March  we  met,  within 
two  Leagues  from  the  River  Mefchafipi,  a  Nation  of  the  Sav- 
stopped  agss  call'd  Tam-aroa  ";  they  were  detained  at  this  place 
^^  '"■  until  the  twelfth  of  the  month  by  "  The  Ice  which  came 
down  from  the  Source  of  the  Mefchafipi."  In  the  Louisiane, 
he  claims  only  to  have  thenceforth  ascended  the  Mississippi 
to  its  upper  waters ;  and  we  have  ample  proof  that  he  did 
make  this  journey,  for  not  only  does  his  journal  abound  in 
internal  evidence  of  his  having  visited  the  country  and  the 
tribes  therein  described,  but  the  great  coureur-de-bois  Du 
Luth  has  independently  testified  to  having  rescued  him  from 
the  Indians. 

Taken  prisoners  by  the  Sioux  upon  the  eleventh  or  twelfth 
of  April,  near  Lake  Pepin,  about  five  hundred  miles  above 
Imprisoned  the  mouth  of  the  Illinois,  the  three  French  adven- 
by  Sioux.  turers  were  marched  to  the  villages  of  that  nation  in 
the  Mille  Lacs  region,  and  accompanied  their  captors  upon 
several  hunting  expeditions.  At  one  time  they  visited  the 
Falls  of  St.  Anthony,  at  the  site  of  the  modern  Minneapolis ; 
this  waterfall,  like  that  of  Niagara,  Hennepin  was  the  first  to 
describe  in  a  published  narrative.  After  extended  wander- 
ings through  northeastern  Minnesota  and  northwestern  Wis- 
consin,—  during  which  they  suffered  abundant  hardships,  but 
apparently  fared  almost  as  well  as  their  captors,  —  there  sud- 
denly appeared  upon  the  scene  Daniel  Greysolon  du  Luth 
(or  Lhut)    with    four    French   followers,   who  were   visiting 


Introduction  xxxi 

the  Sioux  in  the  interests  of  Count  Frontenac's  fur  trade. 
Du  Luth  had  obtained  a  strong  influence  over  the  savages  of 
this  region,  and  succeeded  in  bargaining  for  the  release  of  his 
three  compatriots  upon  promise  to  return  thither  with  goods 
to  be  exchanged  for  furs. 

The  sturdy  coureur-de-bois  was  kindness  itself.  Turning 
from  his  search  for  peltries,  he  and  his  men  in  early  autumn 
Du  Luth  to  descended  the  Mississippi  with  Accau's  party,  and, 
the  rescue,  ^f^-gj.  niore  than  one  thrilling  adventure,  escorted 
them  up  the  Wisconsin  River  and  down  the  Fox  to  the  Jesuit 
mission  of  Green  Bay,  and  eventually  to  the  St.  Ignace  mis- 
sion at  Mackinac.  In  describing  this  journey,  the  ungrateful 
Hennepin  continually  vaunts  his  own  superior  bravery,  even 
to  claiming  that  in  at  least  one  dangerous  situation  Du  Luth 
was  stricken  with  fear,  and  nothing  but  the  father's  cool 
directions  brought  the  company  through  safely.  As  usual, 
Hennepin  neglects,  through  professional  jealousy,  even  to 
notice  the  existence  of  his  Jesuit  hosts  at  Green  Bay ; 
although  in  describing  his  residence  at  Mackinac  he  inci- 
dentally mentions  Father  Philippe  Pierson  of  that  mission,  but 
apparently  only  because  the  latter  was  his  fellow-townsman 
from  Ath. 

After  a  winter  of  Jesuit  hospitality  at  St.  Ignace,  during 
which  he  and  Pierson  amused  themselves  by  skating,  and 
fishing  through  the  ice  with  nets,  Hennepin  left  in  Easter 
week  (1681)  and  proceeded  down  the  lakes  to  Niagara,  soon 
thereafter  joining  Buisset  at  Fort  Frontenac,  whence  he  went 


xxxii  Introduction 

to   Montreal.      There   he   was    greeted    by   Frontenac,   who 

chanced  to  be  at  that  then  far-av/ay  outpost  of  New  France. 

,    The  governor  "did  wonder  to  fee  me  fo  much  alter'd, 

f  A  ragged  o 

Ifriar.  being  lean,  tir'd,  and  tann'd,  having  loft  my  Cloak 
jthat  the  Iffati  had  ftoll'n  from  me,  being  then  cloath'd  in  an 
old  Habit,  patch'd  up  with  pieces  of  wild  Bulls-Skins  [buffalo 
hide].  He  carri'd  me  to  his  own  Houfe,  where  I  continu'd 
for  twelve  Days  to  refrefh  my  felf.  .  .  .  He  was  much  pleas'd 
to  hear  me  talk  of  all  the  Hazards  I  had  run  in  fo  long  a 
Voyage,  among  fo  many  different  Nations."  Not  long  after 
this  episode,  which  no  doubt  has  lost  nothing  in  the  telling, 
our  hero  returned  to  Quebec,  and  thence  in  due  time  sailed 
for  Europe  —  probably  in  the  following  autumn. 

During  at  least  the  succeeding  year,  Hennepin  was  clois- 
tered in  the  convent  of  his  order  at  St.  Germain-en-Laye, 
The  first  ^^d  thcrc  he  appears  to  have  written  his  first  book, 
^°°^'  the  Louisiane.  The  royal  privilege  allowing  the  Paris 
publisher  —  the  widow  of  Sebastian  Hure  —  to  print  the  vol- 
ume, was  granted  September  3,  1682;  it  was  registered  on 
the  books  of  the  printers'  guild  a  week  later,  and  printing 
for  the  first  edition  was  completed  on  the  fifth  of  January 
following.  The  volume  must  have  at  once  met  with  a  consid- 
erable sale,  for  new  editions  appeared  in  1684  and  1688,  and 
it  was  translated  into  Italian,  Dutch,  and  German.  Neverthe- 
less it  did  not  fail  to  arouse  hostile  criticism.  Contemporary 
letters  have  been  preserved,^  showing  that  fellow  ecclesiastics 


^Neill,   "  The  Writings  of  Louis  Hennepin,"  read  before  the  Minnesota  Histor- 
ical Society,  September  6,  1880. 


Introduction  xxxiii 

in  Europe  had  small  faith  in  Father  Louis's  pretensions ; 
and  La  Salle  had,  before  the  book  was  issued,  sent  home 
word  from  Fort  Frontenac  that  the  friar  was  fond  of  repre- 
senting things  "  as  he  wished  them  to  be,  and  not  as  they 
were." 

Had  Hennepin,  however,  been  content  with  being  a  one- 
volume  author,  his  reputation  might  still  be  as  good  as  that 
of  most  other  explorers  of  his  day ;  it  being  then  the  custom 
for  travellers  freely  to  spice  their  narratives  with  imaginary 
deeds,  and  to  adopt  more  or  less  of  a  bragging  tone.  The 
pages  of  our  adventurous  friar  abound  in  exaggeration  and 
self-glorification ;  although  his  geographical  and  ethnograph- 
ical descriptions  are  excellent,  and  add  much  to  our  knowl- 
A  second  cdgc  of  the  North  American  interior  during  the  last 
voume.  ^\{^Y^  Qf  ^\^Q  seventeenth  century.  But  in  1697,  encour- 
aged by  his  first  success,  he  brought  forth  at  Utrecht  another 
book  —  NoiivcUe  Decoiiverte  d'un  tres  grand  Pays^  situe  dans 
VAmerique.  This  omits  the  description  of  life  and  manners 
among  the  Indians,  which  was  perhaps  the  strongest  feature  of 
Lonisiane,  and  is  filled  out  with  other  matter.  It  is  dedicated 
to  the  English  king  in  much  the  same  terms  of  fulsome  flattery 
as  he  had  used  towards  the  French  monarch  upon  the  pages 
of  his  Louisiane.  The  volume  appears  to  have  leaped  into  pop- 
ularity, for  new  editions  in  French  were  published  in  1698, 
1704,  171 1,  1712,  and  1737;  while  translations  were  made 
into  Dutch,  German,  Spanish,  and  English.  Apparently  it 
was  one  of  the  most  widely  read  books  of  its  day. 

Six  years  before  its  appearance  there  had  been  published, 


xxxiv  Introduction 

although  at  once  suppressed,  Le  Clercq's  Etablissement  de  la 
Foi,  which  contained  an  account  by  Hennepin's  colleague, 
Plagiarism  Father  Membre,  of  La  Salle's  journey  from  Fort 
fromMembrfi.  Crevccoeur  to  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  (1682), 
in  which  Membre  participated.  This  account,  which,  because 
of  the  suppression  of  Le  Clercq's  work,  was  little  known  at 
the  time,  Hennepin  boldly  appropriated,  with  such  few  verbal 
changes  as  were  necessary  to  make  it  appear  that  this  was  a 
part  of  his  own  journal  of  1680:  thus  setting  up  the  aston- 
ishing claim  that  on  leaving  Crevecoeur  he  had  first  journeyed 
to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  then,  returning  to  the  junction 
of  the  Illinois,  experienced  the  adventures  upon  the  upper 
Mississippi  v/hich  are  detailed  in  Louisiane.  Yet  in  his  first 
book  he  had  taken  pains  to  state  that  he  had  not  been  upon 
the  lower  reaches  of  the  Mississippi ;  he  had  intended  to 
go  down  to  its  mouth,  he  says,  "  but  the  tribes  that  took  us 
prifoners  gave  us  no  time  to  navigate  this  river  both  up 
and  down." 

That  it  was  quite  impracticable  for  him  to  have  made  the 
alleged  trip  to  the  lower  waters  of  the  great  river,  is  evident 
from  the  dates  given  by  the  father  himself.  In  Louisiane,  as 
Animpos-  J"  the  later  volume  herevv^ith  reprinted,  the  party  are 
sibie claim,    ^^jj  ^^  j^^^^  j^f^  ^^^  IHinois  uot   earlier  than  the 

twelfth  of  March.  Upon  the  eleventh  of  April  his  party 
v/ere  captured  by  the  Sioux  near  Lake  Pepin.  This  leaves  a 
scant  month  for  the  author  to  have  descended  and  ascended 
the  Mississippi  and  reached  the  place  of  capture  —  a  journey 
all  told   of  some  3260   miles.       Hennepin   tells  us  that   his 


Introdii^ction  xxxv 

canoe  was  slow,  being  large  and  laden  heavily ;  yet  to  accom- 
plish this  feat  he  must  have  ascended  the  river  against  a 
strong  current,  at  the  rate  of  sixty  miles  a  day,  nearly  three 
and  a  half  times  the  speed  attained  two  years  later  by  La  Salle, 
with  better  boats. 

The  excuse  made  by  Hennepin  for  waiting  until  ten  years 
after  La  Salle's  death  (which  had  occurred  in  1687),  before 
making  this  claim  of  priority  in  the  exploration  of  almost 
Unsatisfactory  the  entire  length  of  the  Mississippi,  from  the 
explanations.  ^^^^^i  to  the  Falls  of  St.  Anthony,—  and  for  con- 
tradicting his  own  express  statement  in  Louisiane,  —  is,  that 
fear  of  personal  violence  from  La  Salle  or  his  partisans  pre- 
vented an  earlier  relation  of  the  entire  truth  regarding  his 
travels.  But  this  statement,  repeated  with  elaboration  at 
numerous  points  within  the  Nouvelle  Decouverte  and  its  suc- 
cessors, does  not  have  the  ring  of  sincerity;  and  probably 
all  historians  are  now  agreed,  as  were  his  contemporaries, 
that  only  the  original  tale  is  to  be  credited.  That  numerous 
other  passages  and  indeed  chapters  in  all  of  his  books  sub- 
sequent to  Louisiane  were  borrov/ed  in  whole  or  in  part  from 
Le  Clercq,  is  evident ;  we  have  in  our  footnotes  indicated 
the  important  thefts.  The  familiar  charge,  however,  that 
several  of  the  earlier  chapters  of  even  Louisiane  are  stolen 
from  La  Salle's  memoir  as  given  by  Margry,^  is  not  impor- 
tant; for,  even  if  that  memoir  be  accepted  as  genuine,  it  is 
quite  possible  that  La  Salle,  as  the  leader  of  the  expedition. 


^  "  Relation  des  descouvertes  et  des  voyages  du  Sieur  de  la  Salle,"  in  Decouvertes 
et  etahlissement  des  Franqais,  i,  p.  435  et  seq. 


xxxvi  Introduction 

had  access  to  Hennepin's  original  journal,  and  he  might  with 
propriety  have  freely  borrowed  therefrom.  But  it  is  prob- 
able that  the  alleged  memoir  is  after  all  merely  a  paraphrase 
of  Hennepin's  book,  by  some  other  hand. 

While  historians  are  agreed  that  the  Hennepin  books 
succeeding  Louisiane  abound  in  clumsy  plagiarisms,  and  that 
the  new  claim  of  priority  over  La  Salle  was  mendacious, 
there  is  not  unanimous  opinion  as  to  who  was  responsible. 
Who  was  Charlevoix,  Kalm,  Bancroft,  and  Parkman  have  all 
rcsponsi  e.  pronounccd  Hennepin  to  be  a  falsifier;  and  so  at 
first  did  Shea.^  But  later,^  Shea  took  opposite  ground,  and 
sought  to  show  that  an  unscrupulous  publisher  made  up  the 
new  editions  out  of  such  material  as  lay  at  hand,  apparently 
without  consulting  the  author.  To  this  charitable  view, 
Poole  good-naturedly  yields  a  hesitating  adherence.^  Shea 
considers  that  he  has  made  a  strong  point  in  favor  of  his 
theory  regarding  Nouvelle  Decouverte,  by  showing  that  several 
"sections"  of  that  book  bear  special  "signatures"  of  a 
character  indicating  to  his  mind  that  the  type  was  set  up 
and  the  sheets  printed  in  different  offices.  But  Paltsits,  in 
his  Bibliographical  Data  accompanying  the  present  volume, 
takes  what  we  consider  the  right  view  of  the  case  —  that  the 
mechanical  peculiarities  of  Nouvelle  Decoiiverte  are  not  such 
as  to  warrant  the  conclusion  that  it  was  printed  in  differ- 
ent  offices.      Again,  we   must  remember  that  in  numerous 


1  Discovery  and  Exploration  of  the  Mississippi  Valley  (N.Y.,  1853),  pp.  99-106. 

2  In  the  introduction  to  his  translation  of  Louisiane  (18S0). 
^The  Dial,  Chicago,  i,  p.  253. 


Introduction  xxxvii 

places  throughout  the  book,  in  dedication  and  preface 
as  well  as  in  text,  Hennepin  in  his  own  inimitable  manner 
refers  with  warmth  to  the  presentation  of  his  new  claim, 
and  seeks  to  answer  his  critics ;  while  the  same  spirit  which 
dictated  this  species  of  thievery,  leads  him  to  introduce  into 
nearly  every  chapter  fresh  exaggerations  of  statement,  with 
the  view  of  enhancing  public  interest  in  his  so-called  discov- 
ery. A  careful  comparison  between  Loidsiane  and  its  suc- 
cessors leads  us  irresistibly  to  the  conclusion  that,  as  Shea 
originally  held,  the  blame  must  rest  upon  the  shoulders  of 
Hennepin,  quite  as  much  as  upon  those  of  his  publishers. 
i7or  a  barefooted  mendicant  friar,  presumed  to  be  living  a  life 
of  austerity,  Hennepin  appears  to  have  been  uncommonly 
acute  in  making  his  wares  attractive  to  the  uncritical  public. 
For  three  years  after  the  publication  of  Louisiane  (1683- 
86),  Hennepin  was  guardian  of  the  Recollects  at  Renti  in 
Artois,  and  from  his  own  account  appears  to  have  been 
busily  engaged  in  rebuilding  the  convent  at  that  place.  The 
commissary  provincial  of  his  order,  at  Paris,  Father  Le  Fevre 
—  possibly  desiring  to  rusticate  his  erratic  brother  —  had  at 
one  time  wished  him  to  return  to  America.  At  the  time  he 
declined  to  go,  taking  refuge  in  the  fact  that  the  rules  of  the 
Recollects  did  not  permit  of  their  being  sent  beyond  seas 
Persecution  save  with  their  own  consent ;  his  reasons  were,  he 
y  superiors,  ^ftcrwards  declared,  that  he  feared  violence  at  the 
hands  of  La  Salle.  Thereupon  he  declares  that  Le  Fevre, 
who  was  a  friend  of  La  Salle,  began  a  systematic  persecution, 
which  lasted  for  many  years. 


xxxviii  Introduction 

Ordered  to  go  to  Rome,  he  returned  only  to  be  sent  to 
the  convent  at  St.  Omer;  and  then  came  what  purported  to 
be  a  mandate  from  the  court  at  Paris,  ordering  him  to 
depart  from  French  territory  and  betake  himself  to  his  native 
Flanders,  which  was  still  Spanish  soil  —  but  Hennepin  asserts 
that  he  afterwards  discovered  this  order  to  be  a  forgery. 
The  father's  appeal  to  King  Louis  XIV  received  no  attention, 
and  he  went  to  Gosselies,  in  Brabant,  where  he  became  con- 
fessor of  the  Recollect  nuns  (Penitents).  During  his  five 
years'  stay  there,  he  claims  to  have  built  a  large  church  and 
in  many  ways  advanced  the  prosperity  of  his  charge.  But 
here  again  he  was  in  hot  water,  for  Le  Fevre  claimed  that 
Gosselies  belonged  to  France,  and  Hennepin  should  remain 
in  Flanders.  The  latter  denied  this  claim,  and  asserted  that 
he  held  protection  from  the  King  of  Spain ;  nevertheless  he 
appears  to  have  retired  to  Ath,  the  home  of  his  childhood. 

By  this  time  La  Salle  had  been  assassinated,  and  Hennepin 
was  himself  desirous  of  returning  to  America,  but  now  had 
difficulty  in  obtaining  permission  to  do  so.  Denied  a  footing 
in  France,  he  v/on  the  kindly  consideration  of  Blaithwayt, 
Befriended  by  Secretary  of  war  to  William  III  of  England,  who, 
mg  1  lam  .  (.J^Q^g|^  ^  Protestant,  was  as  Prince  of  Orange 
and  defender  of  the  Netherlands  an  ally  of  Catholic  Spain. 
William  and  his  secretary  took  pity  upon  the  persecuted 
friar,  and  used  their  influence  in  an  attempt  to  secure  for  him 
a  missionary  appointment  to  America.  But  the  officials  of 
the  Recollects  had  now  changed  their  minds  relative  to  the 
disposition  of  their  vain-glorious  brother,  and  at  first  granted 


Introduction  xxxix 

nothing  but  fair  promises.  Being  in  the  convent  of  his  order 
at  Antwerp  (1696),  Hennepin,  attired  in  lay  clothing,  set  out 
by  land  for  Amsterdam  in  company  with  a  Venetian  ship- 
captain.  On  the  way  they  were  robbed  by  six  mounted 
highwaymen,  and  it  was  only  after  many  difficulties  that  our 
hero  reached  the  Hague  and  was  granted  an  audience  by  his 
friend  King  William.  That  monarch,  upon  the  recommen- 
dation of  the  king  of  Spain  and  the  elector  of  Bavaria,  and 
the  consent  of  the  general  commissary  of  the  Recollects  at 
Louvain,  appears  to  have  taken  the  missionary  into  his 
employ  —  evidently  another  name  for  subsisting  him ;  while 
some  of  the  English  noblemen  In  Flanders,  possibly  only  to 
pique  the  French,  showed  the  father  some  social  civihties. 

Arrived  finally  at  Amsterdam,  he  sought  a  publisher  for 
his  second  volume  of  American  travels;  but  failing  here  to 
secure  one,  proceeded  to  Utrecht,  and  there  (1697)  pub- 
Withthe  lished  Nouvelle  Decouverte.  There  is  no  reason  to 
pu  IS  ers.  ^jgyi^^  ^j^^^  while  in  Utrecht  he  personally  supervised 
the  printing  of  this  volume ;  also  his  third,  Nouveau  Voyage 
d'tin  Pais  plus  grand  que  I'Europe,  which  appeared  from  the 
press  of  another  Utrecht  pubhsher  in  the  following  year. 
The  Nouveau  Voyage  was  a  hasty  piece  of  patchwork,  after 
the  manner  of  many  a  modern  book  produced  by  a  popular 
author  who  is  making  hay  while  the  sun  shines.  The  ac- 
counts of  Indian  life  in  Nouvelle  Decouverte  are  awkwardly 
pieced  out  with  matter  largely  taken  from  Le  Clercq.  Trans- 
lations into  Dutch  and  German  appeared  within  the  same 
year. 


xl  Introduction 

While  the  Nouveau  Voyage  was  appearing  in  Utrecht, 
there  was  being  printed  in  London  an  Enghsh  version  of 
The  English  Hcnnepin's  travels,  under  the  title  of  A  New  Dis- 
version.  covevy  of  a  Vast  Country  in  America,  Within  the  year 
there  was  a  re-issue  of  this  volume,  with  some  improve- 
ments in  phraseology,  arrangement,  and  typography ;  it  is 
this  second  issue  which  we  are  now  reprinting.  Part  I 
(our  Volume  I)  contains  the  Noiivelle  Decouverte ;  Part  II 
(our  Volume  II)  is  practically  the  Nouveau  Voyage,  with 
added  matter  introducing  Marquette's  voyage  (1673)  ^^^ 
like  travels  in  North  America.  It  is  impossible  to  say 
how  far  Hennepin  assisted  in  the  translation  and  editing 
of  A  New  Discovery;  but  doubtless  he  had  a  general 
supervision  of  the  work,  which  appears  to  have  enjoyed 
the  personal  patronage  of  King  William,  who  apparently 
had  more  faith  in  the  Flemish  friar  than  was  entertained 
for  him  in  France.  In  some  respects  it  is  the  most  satis- 
factory of  Hennepin's  books.  This  fact,  and  the  existence 
of  Shea's  abundantly-annotated  translation  of  Louisiane,  have 
influenced  us  in  selecting  the  London  volume  for  reproduc- 
tion.    There  was  a  reprint  of  the  second  issue,  in  1699. 

In  the  fulsome  preface  to  the  English  king,  contained 
both  in  Nouvelle  Decouvej'te  and  A  New  Discovery,  Hennepin 
had  again  sought  his  intercession  to  secure  an  order  for  a 
Seeks  to     renewal  of  his   missionary  labors  in  America.      The 

return  to 

America,  father  claims  that  the  king's  solicitation  on  his  behalf 
obtained  for  him  what  he  desired  —  "leave  to  go  Miflionary 
into  America,  and  to  continue  in  one  of  the  United  Prov- 


Introduction  xli 

inces,  till  I  had  digefted  into  Order  the  Memoires  of  my 
Difcovery."  It  would  appear  that  in  1699  he  had  either  won 
from  his  superiors  the  coveted  permission,  or  was  in  a  fair 
way  to  secure  it ;  for  we  find  Louis  XIV  ordering  the  gov- 
ernor of  New  France  to  arrest  the  obnoxious  Recollect  in 
case  of  his  appearance  there,  and  send  him  home. 

Our  last  trace  of  Father  Hennepin  is  in  a  letter  written 
from  Rome  the  first  of  March,  1701,  wherein  the  writer,  one 
Dubos,  mentions  that  the  friar,  now  in  his  sixty-first  or  sixty- 
Theiast  sccond  year,  was  then  in  a  convent  in  that  city,  hoping 
'""■  soon  to  return  to  America,  under  the  protection  of 
Cardinal  Spada.  Certain  it  is  that  our  author  never  went 
upon  this  mission;  but  what  adventures  befell  him  in  his 
later  years,  or  when  or  where  he  died,  we  know  not. 

A  mendicant  friar.  Father  Hennepin  was  consumed  by  an 
unconquerable  passion  for  worldly  adventure,  and  thereby 
Character-  becamc  estranged  from  his  ecclesiastical  colleagues, 
who  appear  to  have  regarded  their  roving  brother  at 
first  with  suspicion  and  eventually  with  dislike.  Early  thrown 
into  association  with  Frenchmen,  he  seems  to  have  been  re- 
garded by  them  as  a  Flemish  intruder,  and  finally  was  buf- 
feted about  by  his  enemies  and  thrown  upon  the  bounty  of 
Protestant  England,  practically  a  man  without  a  country. 
Apparently  hardy,  brave,  and  enterprising,  he  was  lacking  in 
spiritual  qualities,  and  no  doubt  possessed  a  captious  temper 
which  tended  still  further  to  alienate  his  companions.  That 
he  was  a  conceited  braggart  in  private  life  as  well  as  in 
his  books,  is  evident   from   letters  of  the  time  —  La  Salle 


xlii  Introduction 

wrote  with  warmth  concernhig  the  missionary's  exaggerations. 

The  opportunities  afforded  this  evangelist  for  connecting 
his  name  with  an  important  enterprise  of  exploration  were 
perhaps  unexampled,  save  in  the  case  of  Marquette  himself. 
His  first  book,  as  the  annalist  of  the  expedition,  is  that  of  a 
boaster,  and  nearly  every  incident  therein  is  obviously  over- 
colored.  He  arrogates  to  himself  much  that  should  have 
been  credited  to  his  companions ;  with  surprising  audacity  he 
adopts  a  patronizing  tone  towards  even  such  men  as  La  Salle 
and  Du  Luth,  and  discredits  their  deeds,  which  were  far 
greater  than  his  own.  The  successors  to  the  volume  are,  we 
have  seen,  marred  by  inexcusable  and  bungling  mendacity, 
which  shows  the  author  to  have  been  morally  unfitted  for  the 
ecclesiastical  calHng  —  the  judgment,  apparently,  of  his  own 
superiors,  who,  despite  the  marshalling  of  foreign  influence 
in  his  behalf,  prevented  his  return  to  the  missionary  field. 

Nevertheless,  when  all  is  said,  we  must  acknowledge  Hen- 
nepin's works  to  be  invaluable  contributions  to  the  sources 
of  American  history ;  they  deserve  study,  and  to  this  day  fur- 
nish rare  entertainment.  We  can  pardon  much  in  our  erratic 
friar,  when  he  leaves  to  us  such  monuments  as  these. 

While  seeking  to  reproduce  the  old  text  as  closely  as 
practicable,  with  its  typographic  and  orthographic  peculiar- 
ities, it  has  been  found  advisable  here  and  there  to  make  a 
Exact  repro-  ^^w  minor  changes ;  these  consist  almost  wholly  of 
auction.  palpable  blemishes,  the  result  of  negligent  proof- 

reading—  such  as  turned  letters,  transposed  letters,  shpped 
letters,  and  mis-spaclngs.     Such  corrections  have  been  made 


Introduction  xliii 

without  specific  mention ;  in  some  instances,  however,  the 
original  error  has  been  retained,  and  in  juxtaposition  the  cor- 
rection given  within  brackets.  We  indicate,  throughout,  the 
pagination  of  the  old  edition  which  we  are  reprinting,  by 
inclosing  within  brackets  the  number  of  each  page  at  its 
beginning,  e.g.  [14]  ;  in  the  few  instances  where  pages  were, 
as  the  fruit  of  carelessness  in  make-up,  misnumbered  in 
the  original,  we  have  given  the  incorrect  as  well  as  the 
correct  figure,  e.g.  [26,  i.e.  126]. 

In  the  preparation  of  Notes  for  this  reprint  edition  of 
the  second  London  issue  of  1698,  the  Editor  has  been  fortu- 
Aidac-  nate  in  securing  the  cooperation  of  his  competent 

knovviedged.  -jgsistant  upon  the  Jesuit  Relations^  Miss  Emma 
Helen  Blair,  chief  of  the  Division  of  Maps  and  Manuscripts 
in  the  Wisconsin  State  Historical  Library.  He  is  also  under 
obligations  to  Mr.  Victor  Hugo  Paltsits,  of  Lenox  Library, 
New  York,  for  the  admirable  Bibliographical  Data  published 
herewith  —  the  first  accurate  bibliography  of  Hennepin  which 

has  thus  far  been  published. 

R.  G.  T. 

Madison,  Wis.,  April,  1903. 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL   DATA 

By  Victor  Hugo  Paltsits 

THE  bibliography  of  the  works  of  Father  Louis  Hennepin, 
in  their  various  editions,  translations,  and  ramifications, 
is  a  stumbling-block  which  has  grounded  more  than  one  un- 
wary bibliographer.  The  data  presented  here  are  offered  as 
a  "  setting"  to  the  present  edition.  This  is  not  the  place  to 
discuss  the  voluminous  controversial  literature  which,  from 
Hennepin's  day  to  ours,  has  agitated  the  name  or  the  fame 
of  this  Recollect  author. 

Search  for  information  about  Hennepin  by  a  querist  to  the 
Historical  Magazine  for  1857,  p.  244,  inspired  several  replies 
—  in  vol.  i,  pp.  316,  317,  by  Samuel  H.  Parsons;  pp.  346, 
347,  by  John  Russell  Bartlett;  and  vol.  ii  (1858),  pp.  24,  25, 
by  E.  B.  O'Callaghan  and  James  Lenox.  These  contributions, 
merely  hints  or  outlines,  are  ill-digested  and  inaccurate.  They 
deserve  mention  because  they  were,  perhaps,  the  stimuli 
tov/ard  subsequent  quest  in  the  matter. 

Henry  Harrisse,  in  his  Notes  sur  la  Noiivelle-France  (Paris, 
1872),  described  the  seventeenth-century  French  editions  and 
translations  which  were  known  to  him.  He  is  reasonably 
correct,  judged  from  the  plan  which  he  adopted  for  his 
descriptions,  but  a  number  of  mistakes  have  been  discovered; 
and   his  plan  is  not  sufficiently  elaborate  for  the   fastidious 


xlvi  Bibliographical  Data 

accuracy  required  in  modern  scientific  bibliography.  I  do 
not,  however,  wish  to  convey  the  impression  of  captious 
criticism  of  Mr.  Harrisse,  who  as  a  pioneer  paved  the  way 
for  others,  and  whose  many  painstaking  and  scholarly  publi- 
cations have  placed  Americanists  forever  in  debt  to  him. 

In  1876,  the  section  of  Joseph  Sabin's  Dictionary  of  Books 
relating  to  America^  embracing  Hennepin,  appeared.  It  was 
reissued  separately  as  A  List  of  the  Editions  of  the  Works  of 
Louis  Hennepin  and  Alonso  de  Herrera  (New  York:  J.  Sabin 
&  Sons,  1876),  as  a  "  specimen"  of  the  Dictionary^  "  intended 
to  exhibit  the  thorough  manner  in  which  the  work  is  per- 
formed." Sabin's  article  on  Hennepin  was  fairly  good  work 
for  his  day  in  America ;  and,  hitherto,  every  bibliographer 
has  resorted  to  him,  not  always  with  full  acknowledgment. 
But  his  method  of  collating  was  unsatisfactory;  he  committed 
quite  a  number  of  egregious  mistakes ;  failed  to  record  cer- 
tain extant  editions,  and  erroneously  included  others  that 
never  existed. 

In  1880,  John  Gilmary  Shea  prefixed  a  "Bibliography 
of  Hennepin "  to  his  translation  of  Hennepin's  Louisiane^ 
pp.  382-392,  which  was  also  reissued  as  a  separate  pamphlet 
in  a  small  edition.  He  used  Sabin,  and  at  times  had  the 
assistance  of  the  late  George  H.  Moore.  Nevertheless  he  is 
responsible  for  some  of  the  worst  bibliographical  bulls  with 
which  this  subject  is  overburdened.  They  were  copied, 
extended,  and  perpetuated  by  others,  notably  Winsor,  Rem- 
ington, and  Dionne. 


Bibliographical  Data  xlvii 

On  September  6,  1880,  the  late  Edward  D.  Neill  presented 
a  paper  on  The  Writings  of  Louis  Hennepin  to  the  monthly 
meeting  of  the  Department  of  American  History  of  the 
Minnesota  Historical  Society  (10  pp.)>  which  merely  touches 
the  bibliographical  side  of  his  works,  and  treats  them  criti- 
cally as  to  text.  He  finds  against  their  author,  whom  he 
charges  anew  with  being  "  deficient  in  Christian  manhood." 

John  Russell  Bartlett  described  the  Hennepins  in  The 
John  Carter  Brov/n  Library  at  Providence,  in  the  printed 
Catalogue  of  that  Library,  second  edition  of  part  ii  (Provi- 
dence, 1882),  and  part  iii  (Providence,  1870).  Of  the  former 
100  copies  were  printed  for  private  circulation,  and  of  the 
latter  only  fifty.  They  are  not  easily  available,  and  command 
good  prices  in  the  book-market.     His  work  is  also  faulty. 

In  vol.  iv  (copyrighted  1884),  pp.  247-256,  of  the  Nar- 
rative and  Critical  History  of  America^  Justin  Winsor  pre- 
sented a  bibliography  under  the  heading,  "  Father  Louis 
Hennepin  and  his  real  or  disputed  discoveries."  It  is  merely 
a  compilation  from  Harrisse,  Sabin,  Shea,  and  booksellers' 
and  library  catalogues;  it  may  be  termed  a  resume  Qmhodymg 
the  mistakes  of  others,  with  the  addition  of  errors  of  its  own. 

In  1 891,  Cyrus  Kingsbury  Remington  published  The 
Ship-Tard  of  the  Griffon  .  .  .  together  with  the  moft  complete 
bibliography  of  Hennepin  that  has  ever  been  made  in  any  one  list 
[etc.].  His  Hennepin  bibliography  covers  pp.  51-74;  shows 
very  few  evidences  of  original  research,  and  is  unique  in  its 
field  for  the  linguistic   havoc  to  which  the   French,  Dutch, 


xlviii  Bibliographical  Data 

German,  and  other  foreign  languages  have  been  subjected 
during  transcription  of  the  title-pages.  A  second  edition  of 
Remington's  monograph  was  issued  at  Buffalo  in  1893.  His 
bibliography  also  forms  pp.  55-75  of  the  Ninth  Annual  Report 
of  the  Commissioners  of  the  State  Reservation  at  Niagara,  printed 
at  Albany  in  1893.  These  later  publications  are  no  improve- 
ment of  that  of  1 89 1. 

N.  E.  Dionne,  of  Quebec,  was  the  last  to  take  up  the 
subject,  in  his  Hennepin,  ses  Voyages  et  ses  CEuvres  (Quebec: 
Raoul  Renault,  1897.  Royal  Svo,  pp.  40),  of  which  only  150 
copies  were  printed.  He  has  culled  from  Harrisse,  Sabin, 
Shea,  and  others,  but  does  not  refer  to  Remington.  Dionne's 
titles  are  not  lined,  and  his  collations  are  inaccurate  and 
uncritical. 

Scattered  data  appear  in  many  historical  and  bibliograph- 
ical books,  as  well  as  in  library  and  booksellers'  catalogues. 

A  futile  attempt  at  a  chronological  check-hst  was  made 
by  Phlleas  Gagnon  In  his  Essai  de  Bibliographie  Canadienne 
(Quebec,  1895),  p.  224. 

In  the  following  data  the  original  French  editions  and 
the  English  versions  of  1698  and  1699  are  given  elaborate 
treatment.  Subsequent  French  editions,  translations,  and 
abridgments  are  summarized.  The  descriptions  in  every  case 
are  from  the  books  themselves.  The  absence  of  editions  in 
this  summary,  which  had  been  included  in  any  of  the  above- 
mentioned  bibliographies,  is  not  evidence  of  incompleteness. 
It  augurs  rather  that  such  editions  do  not  exist. 


Bibliographical  Data  xlix 

I  — LOUISIANE. 

Description  |  de  la  |  Louisiane,  |  nouvellement  decouverte 
I  au  Sud'  Oiieft  de  la  Nouvelle  France,  |  par  ordre  du  Roy. 
I  Avec  la  Carte  du  Pays  :  Les  Moeurs  |  &  la  Maniere  de  vivre 
I  des  Sauvages.  |  Dediee  a  Sa  Majeste  |  Par  le  R.  P.  Louis 
Hennepin  |  Miffionnaire  Recollet  &  |  Notaire  Apoftolique. 
I  [Monogratn  of  Amable  Aiiroy']  \ 

A  Paris,  |  Chez  la  Veuve  Sebastien  Hure,  rue  |  Saint 
Jacques,  a  I'Image  S.  Jerome,  |  pres  S.  Severin.  |  M.  DC. 
Lxxxiii.  I  Avec  Privilege  dv  Roy.  | 

Collation  —  Title,  verso  blank,  i  leaf;  epistle  "  Au  Roy," 
pp.  (8);  "  Extrait  du  Privilege  du  Roy,"  pp.  (2);  text  of  the 
"Description,"  pp.  [i]  —  312;  text  of  "Les  Moeurs  des 
Sauvages,"  pp.  [i]  —  107;  verso  of  p.  107  blank.  Signatures  : 
a  in  six,  A  in  eight,  B  in  four,  C  in  eight,  D  in  four,  E  in 
eight,  F  in  four,  G  in  eight,  H  in  four,  I  in  eight,  K  in  four, 
L  in  eight,  M  in  four,  N  in  eight,  O  in  four,  P  in  eight,  Q 
in  four,  R  in  eight,  S  in  four,  T  in  eight,  V  in  four,  X  in 
eight,  Y  in  four,  Z  in  eight,  Aa  in  four,  Bb  in  eight,  Cc  in 
four,  A  in  eight,  B  in  four,  C  in  eight,  D  in  four,  E  in  eight, 
F  in  four,  G  in  eight,  H  in  four,  I  in  six  (but  some  copies 
may  end  with  two  blank  leaves,  completing  the  signature  in 
eight).  The  heading  and  pagination  of  p.  223  are  imperfectly 
printed  in  some  copies.  On  p.  61,  of  the  "  Moeurs"  the  orna- 
ment at  top  is  incomplete.  Sig.  Eiiij  is  misprinted  Biiij,  and 
C  and  Cij  (pp.  25-28  of  part  ii)  are  misprinted  B  and  Bij. 


1  Bibliographical  Data 

The  "Privilege"  is  dated  "3  Septembre  1682,"  and  the 
registry  "  le  10.  Septembre  1682."  The  following  note  ap- 
pears at  the  end  of  the  "Privilege":  "  Acheve  d'  imprimer 
pour  la  premie —  |  re  fois,  le  5.  Janvier  1683." 

A  map  "  inue.  et  fecit"  by  N.  Guerard,  "  Roussel  fcripsit," 
measures  11^  by  19  inches,  and  is  entitled:  Carte  |  de  la  | 
Nouuelle  France  |  et  de  la  j  Louisiane  |  Nouuellement  de- 
couuerte  |  dediee  |  Au  Roy  |  1'  An  1603.  |  Par  le  Reuerend 
Fere  |  Louis  Hennepin  |  Missionaire  Recollect  |  et  Notaire 
Apostolique.  |  The  watermark  in  the  paper  of  the  map  is  a 
bunch  of  grapes. 

One  of  the  copies  in  the  New  York  Public  Library,  for- 
merly George   Bancroft's,  has  "  John  Penington  &  Son.  | 
Philadelphie,"  |  stamped  under  the  imprint  of  the  title-page. 
This   has,  however,  no   bibliographical   significance,  having 
been  added  at  a  very  late  day. 

1684  —  French. 

In  1684  there  was  a  reissue  of  the  same  sheets,  but  with 
an  entirely  new  title-page,  having  the  following  imprint : 

A  Paris,  |  Chez  Amable  Auroy,  rue  ]  Saint  Jacques,  a 
I'Image  S.  Jerome,  |  Proche  la  fontaine  S.  Severin.  |  M.  DC. 
Lxxxiv.  I  Avec  Privilege,  du  Roy.  | 

The  publisher  had  married  the  widow  of  Hure,  and  it  is 
a  curious  fact  that  the  monogram  of  Amable  Auroy  occurs 
on  the  title-pages  of  both  issues,  notwithstanding  the  dis- 
parity of  the  imprints. 


Bibliographical  Data  li 

1688 — French. 
This  is  an  entirely  new  edition,  evidently  set  up  after  one 
of  the  earlier  issues,  but  embodying  typographical  and  ver- 
bal changes,  such  as  capitalization,  spelling,  and  changes  in 
the  form  of  place-nomenclature.  The  publisher  is  Amable 
Auroy.  At  the  end  of  the  "Privilege"  this  information  is 
given:  "  Acheve  d'imprimer  pour  la  fecon —  |  de  fois,  le  10. 
Mars  1688.  I  De  V  Imprimerie  de  Laurent  |  Rondet."  |  The 
map  is  the  same  plate  as  in  the  first  edition. 

1720  —  French. 
A  little  tract  of  45  pp.,  by  "  M.  le  chevalier  de  Bonrepos," 
is  usually  considered  as  an  abridgment  of  Hennepin's  Lou- 
isiane.     It  was  published  at  Rouen  and  Paris  in  1720. 

LouisiANE  —  Translations. 
Italian  — 

1686  —  Descrizione  della  Lvigiana.  The  imprint  is:  In 
Bologna,  per  Giacomo  Monti.  1686.  |  Con  licenza  de'  Su- 
periori.  |  The  John  Carter  Brown  Library  has  an  uncut  copy. 

1691 — Abridgment  in  vol.  ii,  pp.  423-455  of  "II  Genio 
Vagante  Biblioteca  curiofa,"  printed  at  Parma. 

Dutch  — 

1688  —  Beschryving  van  Louisania  (Engraved  title:  Ont- 
dekking  van  Louisania).     The  imprint  is:    t' Amsterdam,  | 
By  Jan  ten   Hoorn,    Boekverkooper  over't  Oude  |  Heeren 
Logement,  in  de  Hiftori-Schryver.     A.  1688.  | 


liv  Bibliogi^aphical  Data 

O,  which  would  go  to  prove  that  the  "Table"  was  printed 
after  all  the  text  was  in  shape  to  be  tabulated.  The  type  is 
the  same  in  the  text  throughout,  except  the  last  page,  which 
is  printed  with  a  smaller  font  to  bring  it  within  the  page  — 
not  an  unusual  circumstance  in  books  of  the  period.  Alto- 
gether considered,  the  volume  has  evident  traces  of  having 
been  '*  built  up "  while  in  press.  The  author's  "  Avis  au 
Lecteur "  and  other  considerations  would  seem  to  indicate 
that  he  supervised  the  work  personally. 

1698  —  French. 

In  1698  a  reprint  was  issued  in  Amsterdam,  which  fol- 
lov/ed  the  original  edition  rather  closely,  even  going  so  far 
as  to  repeat  the  star  signature  and  other  individualities.  The 
chapters,  however,  are  all  numbered  in  Roman  numerals.  The 
collation  consists  of  the  same  number  of  pages,  and  the  last 
page  (506)  is  in  type  agreeing  with  the  body  of  the  text. 
Maps  and  plates  agree  with  the  1697  edition,  save  that  the 
imprint  on  the  maps  is  changed.  The  imprint  on  the  title- 
page  reads  thus : 

"  A  Amsterdam,  |  Chez  Abraham  van  Someren,  |  Mar- 
chand  Libraire.     mdcxcviii."  | 

French  Editions. 
1704  —  Voyage  ou  Nouvelle  Decouverte  (also  La  Borde's 
Voyage,  with  separate  title).    The  imprint  is  :  A  Amsterdam, 
I  Chez  Adriaan  Braakman,  Marchand  Libraire  pres  le  Dam.. 
I  M  D  cc  IV.  I 


Bibliographical  Data  Iv 

1704  —  Voyage  Curieux  (also  La  Borde's  Voyage,  with 
separate  title).  The  main  title  has  imprint:  A  La  Haye, 
I  Chez  Jean  Kitto,  Marchand  Libraire,  dans  |  le  Spuy-ftraet. 
1704.  I  La  Borde's  title  has  imprint:  A  Leide  |  Chez  Pierre 
vander  Aa,  |  MDCC  IV.  |  An  issue  also  exists  with  this  latter 
imprint  on  the  main  title-page,  but  with  the  date  in  Arabic 
numerals.  Both  varieties  are  in  the  John  Carter  Brown 
Library. 

1711 — Voyage  Curieux   (also  La  Borde).     The  title  is 
folded  in,  and  has  the  following  imprint :  A  Amsterdam,  | 
Aux  depens  de  la  Com.pagnie.  |  M.  DCCXI.  | 

1712  —  Voyage  Ou  nouvelle  Decouverte.     A  Amsterdam, 
I  Chez   Jacques    Desbordes,    Libraire   vis-a-vis  |  la   Grande 
Porte  de  la  Bourfe,  1712.  | 

1737  —  In  vol.  ix  of  Jean  Frederic  Bernard's  "  Recueil 
de  Voiages  au  Nord."     Amsterdam. 

1737  —  In  vol.  2,  pp.  223-373,  and  table  of  chapters  pp. 
(3),  of  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega's  "  Histoire  des  Yncas,"  with 
imprint :    A   Amsterdam,  |  Chez  Jean   Frederic   Bernard,  | 
MDCCXXVli.  I  The  date  is  a  misprint  for  1737. 

Nouvelle  Decouverte  —  Translations. 
Dutch  — 

1699  —  Nieuwe  Ontdekkinge.  The  imprint  is:  Tot  Am- 
sterdam, I  By  Abraham  van  Someren.     1699.  | 

1702  —  Nieuwe  Ontdekkinge.  The  imprint  is:  Tot  Am- 
sterdam, I  By  Andries  van  Damme,  [  Boekverkooper  op't 
Rokkin  bezyden  de  Beurs,  1702.  | 


Ivi  Bibliographical  Data 

1704  —  Aenmerkelyke  Voyagie.  The  imprint  is:  Te 
Leyden,  |  By  Pieter  vander  Aa,  1704.  |  It  is  usually  found 
in  the  collection  entitled  :  "  De  Gedenkwaardige  West-Indise 
Voyagien."     Leyden:   Pieter  vander  Aa,  1704. 

1704  —  Aanmerkelyke  Voyagie.  The  imprint  is:  Te  Rot- 
terdam. I  By  Barent  Bos  Boekverkooper  1704.  |  It  is  usually 
found  in  the  collection  entitled:  "  De  Gedenkwaardige  West- 
Indise  Voyagien."     Rotterdam:  Barent  Bos,  1704. 

German  — 

1699  —  Neue  Entdeckung.     The  imprint  is:   Bremen,  | 
In  Verlegung  Philip  Gottfr.  Saurmans,  Buchh.     1699.  | 

1739  —  Neue  Reise=Beschreibung.  Niirnberg,  1739.  |  In 
Verlag  Chrift.  Friedr.  Feifse.  | 

Spanish  — 

1699  —  An  abridgment  entitled:  "  Relacion  de  un  Pais," 
with  imprint :  En  Brusselas,  |  En  Cafa  de  Lamberto  Mar- 
chant,  I  Mercader  de  Libros.  |  M.  DC.  xcix.  | 

English  — 

[1720]  —  An   abridgment   entitled:   "A  Discovery  of  a 
Large,  Rich,  and  Plentiful  Country,"  with  imprint :  London  : 
I  Printed   for  W.  Boreham,  at  the  Angel  in  |  Pater-Nofter 
Row.     (Price  Six  Pence.)  | 

III  — NOUVEAU  VOYAGE. 

Nouveau  |  Voyage  |  d'un  Pais  plus  grand  que  |  I'Eurbpe 

I  Avec  les  reflections  des  entreprlfes  du  Sleur  |  de  la  Salle, 

fur  les   Mines   de   St.  Barbe,  &c.  |  Enrichi   de  la   Carte,  de 


Bibliographical  Data  IvII 

figures  expreiTives,  des  moeurs  |  &  manieres  de  vivre  des  Sau- 
vages  du  Nord,  |  &  du  Sud,  de  la  prife  de  Quebec  Ville 
Capital-  I  le  de  la  Nouvelle  France,  par  les  Anglols,  &  des  | 
avantages  qu'on  peut  retirer  du  chemin  recourci  |  de  la  Chine 
&  du  Japon,  par  le  moien  de  tant  |  de  Vaftes  Contrees,  &  de 
Nouvelles  Colonies.  |  Avec  approbation  &  dedie  a  fa  Majefte 
I  Guillaume  III.  |  Roy  de  la  grande  |  Bretagne  |  par  le  | 
R.  P.  Louis  Hennepin,  |  Miffionaire  Recollect  &  Notaire 
Apoftolique.  | 

A  Utrecht,  |  Chez  Antoine  Schouten,  |  Marchand 
Libraire.     1698.  | 

Collation. —  Title,  verso  blank,  i  leaf;  dedication,  pp.  (20); 
"Preface,"  pp.  (38);  "Table  des  Chapitres,"  pp.  (10);  one 
blank  leaf;  text,  pp.  [i  1-389;  verso  of  p.  389  blank.  Sig- 
natures :  * — ***  in  twelves,  A — Q  in  twelves,  R  in  three 
(copies  in  original  binding  probably  have  a  blank  leaf,  com- 
pleting R  in  four).     No  mispaging. 

Plates. —  Engraved  and  designed  by  "I.  van  Vianen";  p.  19 
"  Avantures  mal  heureufes  du  Sieur  de  la  Salle";  p.  73  "  Le 
Sieur  de  la  Salle  mal-heureufemet  [jzV]  affafine"  ;  p.  204  "  Cru- 
autez  in-ouies  des  fauvages  Iroquois " ;  p.  343  "  Prife  de 
Quebeek  \_sic]  par  les  Anglois."  Map  entitled,  "  Carte  | 
d'un  nouueau  |  Monde,  |  entre  le  nouueau  |  Mexique,  |  et  la 
mer  Glacialle  |  Novellement  decouvert  par  le  |  R.  P.  Louis  ^^ 
Hennepin  |  Misfionaire  Recollect  [iff]  natif  d'Aht.  |  en 
Hainaut  |  dediee  a  fa  Mnjefle  |  Britanique,  le  Roy  |  Guilaume 
Troifieme."  It  measures  18^8  by  ii^y  inches,  and  was  en- 
graved by  "  Gafp  :  Boutlats.''^ 


Iviii  Bibliographical  Data 

There  is  also  an  issue  of  1698  with  the  imprint  "Utrecht, 
chez  Ernestus  Voskuyl,  Imprimeur,  1698."  It  is  very  uncom- 
mon, and  is  known  to  me  only  from  Felix  van  Hulst's  Notice 
sur  Le  P.  Hennepin  d'Ath  :  Liege,  1845,  P-  3^5  ^^^  from  a  copy 
offered  for  sale  in  the  spring  of  1902  by  a  Jesuit  in  France, 
in  correspondence  with  Mr.  Thwaites. 

French  Editions. 

1720  —  Voyage  en  un  Pays  plus  grand  que  I'Europe. 
Embraces  pp.  199-381  of  Relations  |  de  la  |  Louisiane,  |  et  du 
I  Fleuve  |  Mississipi.  |  Ou  Ton  voit  I'etat  de  ce  grand  Pais 
&  I  les  avantages  qu'il  pent  produire  &c.  |  [C«/]  |  A  Am- 
sterdam, 1  Chez  Jean  Frederic  Bernard,  |  M.  D  cc.  xx.  | 
The  John  Carter  Brown  Library  has  this  volume  in  two 
states,  one  with  the  title  in  black,  the  other  with  three  lines 
in  red. 

1734  —  In  Bernard's  Voyages^  published  at  Amsterdam, 
vol.  V  (called  "  Troisieme  edition").  There  are,  perhaps, 
Bernard  editions  of  other  dates  than  the  above. 

NouvEAU  Voyage  —  Translations. 
Dutch — 

1698  —  Aenmerckelycke   Historische    Reys-Beschryvinge. 

The  imprint  is  :  Tot  Utrecht,  |  By  Anthony  Schouten.  1698.  | 

German  — 

1698  —  Neue  Reise-Beschreibung.  The  imprint  is:  Bre- 
men. I  In  verlegung  Phil.  Gottfr.  Saurmans,  |  1698.  | 

1742  —  Reisen  und  seltsahme  Begebenheiten.  Bremen, 
I  bey  Nathanael  Saurmann,  1742.  | 


Bibliographical  Data  lix 

COMPOSITE  ENGLISH  EDITIONS. 

There  are  two  distinct  English  editions  of  1698  ;  the  first 
we  designate  as  the  "  Bon-  |  "  edition,  and  the  second  (the 
one  herein  reprinted)  the  "Tonfon,  |  "  edition;  naming  them 
after  the  ending  of  the  first  imprint  line  of  their  respective 
title-pages.     There  is  only  one  edition  of  1699. 

The  text-page  of  the  Bon-  j  edition  measures  6%  by  2^ 

inches,  and  the  Tonfon,  |  edition  6^   by  3^^  inches.      The 

translations  of  the  1698  editions  at  times  vary  considerably; 

the    1699   edition   seems   to   follow   closely   the   text  of  the 

Tonfon,  I  edition,  with   changes,   however,    in   capitalization 

and  spelling. 

1698  —  Bon- I   Edition. 

A  I  New  Difcovery  |  of  a  |  Vaft  Country  in  America,  |  Ex- 
tending above  FourThoufand  Miles,  |  between  |  New  France 
and  New  Mexico.  |  With  a  |  Defcription  of  the  Great  Lakes, 
Cata-  I  racts.  Rivers,  Plants,  and  Animals :  |  Alfo,  The  Man- 
ners, Cuftoms,  and  Languages,  of  the  |  feveral  Native  In- 
dians ;  And  the  Advantage  of  |  Commerce  with  thofe  dif- 
ferent Nations.  |  With  a  |  Continuation :  |  Giving  an  Account 
of  the  I  Attempts  of  the  Sieur  De  la  Salle  upon  the  |  Mines 
of  St.  Barbe  &c.  The  Taking  of  |  Quebec  by  the  Englifh ; 
With  the  Advantages  |  of  a  Shorter  Cut  to  China  and  Japan. 
I  Both  Parts  Illufbrated  with  Maps  and  Figures,  |  and  Ded- 
icated to  His  Majefty  K.  William.  |  By  L.  Hennepin,  now 
Refident  in  Holland.  |  To  which  is  added.  Several  New  Dif- 
coveries  in  North-  |  America,  not  publifh'd  in  the  French 
Edition.  I 


Ix  Bibliographical  Data 

London:  Printed  for  M.  Bentley,  J.  Tonfon,  H.  Bon-  | 
wick,  T.  Goodwin,  and  S.  Manfliip.     1698.  | 

Collation. —  Engraved  frontispiece,  with  short  title  at  top  ; 
title,  verso  blank,  i  leaf;  Dedication,  pp.  (8);  "  The  Preface," 
pp.  (4);  "Contents  of  the  Chapters,"  pp.  (8);  text  of  "A 
New  Difcovery,"  pp.  1-299  '■>  verso  of  p.  299  blank ;  title  to 
"A  Continuation  of  the  New  Difcovery,"  with  verso  blank, 
I  leaf;  Dedication,  pp.  (9);  blank  (i)  ;  "The  Preface," 
pp.  (16);  "A  Table  of  the  Chapters,"  pp.  (4);  text  headed 
"  A  Voyage  through  a  Vaft  Country  Larger  than  Europe," 
pp.  1-178;  half-title:  "An  Account  of  several  New  Difcov- 
eries  in  North-America,"  with  verso  blank,  i  leaf ;  text, 
pp.  303-355  ;  verso  of  p.  355  blank.  Signatures :  A  in  eight, 
a  in  four,  B — T  in  eights,  V  in  six,  Aa  in  six,  Bb — Ee  in 
eights,  *ee  in  two,  Ff — Nn  in  eights,  Oo  in  three,  and  two 
leaves  carried  over  and  completing  V  (given  above)  in  eight, 
X — Z  in  eights,  Aa  in  two  (perhaps  belonging  to  the  pre- 
ceding sig.  Aa  to  complete  it  in  eight).  Mispaging :  Part  i, 
pp.  94  and  95  transposed ;  202  and  203  are  given  as  102  and 
103,  respectively;  206  as  109;  207  as  107,  Part  ii,  pp.  45-48 
are  duplicated  by  insertion  of  sig.  *ee  between  Ee  and  Ff ; 
some  copies  have  91  mispaged  81,  and  others  have  the  nu- 
meral "i"  superior  to  the  "9";  131  mispaged  141.  In  part  ii, 
chapter-heading  xxiii  is  in  some  copies  misprinted  xxii. 
The  "  Continuation"  is  printed  with  a  smaller  type  than  the 
remainder  of  the  volume.  This  is  an  insert  between  the  blank 
p.  300  of  the  "  New  Discovery  "  and  the  half-title  called  "  An 
I  Account  1  of  several  |  New  Difcoveries  |  in  |  North-Amer- 


Bibliog7'aphical  Data  Ixi 

ica."  The  addition  of  the  "  Continuation  "  evidently  was  an 
afterthought,  as  its  erratic  position  and  the  difference  of  the 
typography  both  amply  show.  The  plates  in  part  ii  are  not 
as  good  art  as  in  the  Tonson  1698  edition,  q.  v.  for  details. 
Plates.  —  Part  i,  p.  29,  View  of  Niagara  Falls;  p.  114, 
Buffalo.  Part  ii,  p.  9,  "  The  unfortunate  Adventures  of  the 
Sieur  de  la  Salle  ";  p.  33,  "  The  Sieur  de  la  Salle  unhappily 
assasinated  ";  p.  89,  "  Vnheard  of  Crueltys  of  the  Iroquois  "; 
p.  157,  "  Taking  of  Quebec  by  the  English."  Also  "  A  Map 
of  a  Large  Country  Newly  Discovered  in  the  Northern  Amer- 
ica," 17  by  i^yi  inches;  and  "A  Map  of  A  New  World," 
I7^j  by  lof^  inches. 

1698  —  Tonson,  |  Edition.^ 
A  I  New  Difcovery  |  of  a  |  Vaft  Country  in  America,  | 
Extending  above  Four  Thoufand  Miles,  [  between  |  New 
France  and  New  Mexico ;  [  with  a  |  Defcription  of  the  Great 
Lakes,  Cata-  |  racts.  Rivers,  Plants,  and  Animals.  |  Alfo,  the 
Manners,  Cuftoms,  and  Languages  of  the  fe-  |  veral  Native 
Indians ;  and  the  Advantage  of  Com-  j  merce  with  thofe 
different  Nations.  |  With  a  |  Continuation,  |  Giving  an  Ac- 
count of  the  I  Attempts  of  the  Sieur  De  la  Salle  upon  the 

I  Mines  of  St.  Barbe,  &c.  The  Taking  of  |  Quebec  by  the 
Englifh;  With  the  Advantages  [  of  a  Shorter  Cut  to  China 
and  Japan.  ]  Both  Parts  Illuftrated  with  Maps,  and  Figures, 

I  and  Dedicated  to  His  Majefty  K.  William.  |  By  L.  Hen- 
nepin,   now    Refident    in    Holland.  |  To    which    are    added. 


^The  one  followed  in  the  present  reprint. —  Ed. 


Ixii  Bibliographical  Data 

Several  New  Difcoveries  in  North-  I  America,  not  publifh'd 
in  the  French  Edition.  | 

London,  Printed  for  M.  Bentley,  J.  Tonfon,  |  H.  Bon- 
wick,  T.  Goodwin,  and  S.  Manfhip.     1698.  | 

Collation.  —  Engraved  frontispiece,  with  short  title  at  top; 
title,  verso  blank,  i  leaf;  Dedication,  pp.  (8);  "The  Preface," 
pp.  (4);  "Contents  of  the  Chapters,"  pp.  (8);  text  of  "A 
New  Difcovery,"  pp.  1-243;  verso  of  p.  243  blank;  title  to 
"  A  Continuation  of  the  New  Difcovery,"  with  verso  blank, 
I  leaf;  Dedication,  pp.  (8);  "The  Preface,"  pp.  (15);  "The 
Contents,"  pp.  (7);  text  headed  "A  Voyage  into  a  Newly 
Difcover'd  Country,"  pp.  1-184;  "An  Account  of  feveral 
New  Difcoveries  in  North- America,"  pp.  185-228.  Signatures: 
A  in  eight,  a  in  four,  B — Q  in  eights,  R  in  two ;  A  in  eight, 
a  in  eight,  B — M  in  eights,  N  in  four,  O  and  P  in  eights, 
Q  in  six.  In  part  i,  pp.  186  and  206  are  mispaged  168  and 
106,  respectively ;  no  mispaging  in  part  ii. 

Plates. — Part  i,  p.  24,  View  of  Niagara  Falls  ;  p.  90,  Buffalo. 
Part  ii,  p.  9,  "  The  Unfortunate  adventures  of  Monsr-  de  la 
Salle";  p.  22^  "  The  Murther  of  Mons^-  de  la  Salle";  p.  98, 
"The  Cruelty  of  The  Savage  Iroquois";  p.  161,  "The  Tak- 
ing of  Quebec  by  The  English."  The  two  plates  in  part  i 
are  the  same  as  those  in  the  Bon-  |  edition,  except  that  the 
page  reference  of  each  plate  has  been  altered  to  conform  to 
this  edition.  The  plates  in  part  ii  are  superior  to  those  in 
the  Bon-  |  edition,  and  all  but  one  have  the  engraver's  name, 
"M.  Vander  Gucht  Scul:  ".  In  this  Tonson  edition  the  plates 


Bibliographical  Data  Ixiii 

of  part  ii  are  reversed  from  those  in  the  Bon-  |  edition.    The 
two  large  folded  maps  are  the  same  as  in  the  Bon-  |  edition. 

1699  Edition. 

A  I  New  Difcovery  |  of  a  |  Vaft  Country  in  America,  | 
Extending  above  Four  Thoufand  Miles,  |  between  |  New 
France  &  New  Mexico ;  |  with  a  |  Defeription  [jic]  of  the 
Great  Lakes,  Cataracts,  |  Rivers,  Plants,  and  Animals.  |  Alfo, 
the  Manners,  Cuftoms,  and  Languages  of  the  feveral  |  Native 
Indians ;  And  the  Advantage  of  Commerce  with  ]  thofe  dif- 
ferent Nations.  |  With  a  j  Continuation  |  Giving  an  Account 
of  the  I  Attempts  of  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  upon  the  |  Mines 
of  St.  Barbe,  &c.  The  Taking  of  Quebec  |  by  the  Englifh; 
With  the  Advantages  of  a  |  fhorter  Cut  to  China  and  Japan. 
I  Both  Illuftrated  with  Maps,  and  Figures;  and  Dedicated  | 
to  His  Majefty  King  William.  |  By  L.  Hennepin  now  Refi- 
dent  in  Holland.  |  To  which  are  added,  Several  New  Dif- 
coveries  in  North-  |  America,  not  PubhUi'd  in  the  French 
Edition.  | 

London,  Printed  by  for  Henry  Bonwicke,  at  the  Red 
Lion  I  in  St.  Paul's  Church-Yard.     1699.  I 

Collation.  —  Engraved  frontispiece,  with  short  title  at  top  ; 
title,  verso  blank,  i  leaf;  Dedication,  pp.  (8);  "The  Preface," 
pp.  (4);  "The  Contents  of  the  Chapters,"  pp.  (6);  text  of 
"A  New  Difcovery,"  pp.  1-138,  155-170,  161-240  (total  234); 
title  to  "  A  Continuation  of  the  New  Difcovery,"  with  verso 
blank,  i  leaf;  Dedication,  pp.  (6);  "The  Preface,"  pp.  (11); 


Ixiv  Bibliographical  Data 

"The  Contents,"  pp.  (5);  text  headed  "A  Voyage  into  a 
Newly  Difcover'd  Country,"  pp.  1-173;  "An  Account  of 
feveral  New  Difcoveries  in  North-America,"  pp.  174-216. 
Signatures  :  A — Hh  in  eights. 

Plates.  —  These  are  the  same  as  in  the  Tonson  |  1698 
edition,  with  the  page  references  changed,  and  one  plate 
shifted  to  part  i  from  part  ii.  The  six  plates  should  be 
located  thus:  Part  i,  p.  22,  View  of  Niagara;  p.  51,  "The 
Taking  of  Quebec  by  The  English"  (shifted  in  this  edition, 
as  above);  p.  86,  Buffalo.  Part  ii,  p.  8,  "The  Unfortunate 
adventures  of  Mons""-  de  la  Salle";  p.  31,  "The  Murther  of 
Monsr-  de  la  Salle  ";  p.  92,  "  The  Cruelty  of  The  Savage 
Iroquois."  The  two  maps  are  the  same  as  in  the  1698 
editions. 


A 

New  Difcovery 

O  F    A 

Faji  Country  in  America. 

Extending  above  Four  Thoufand  Miles, 
B  E  T  W^E  E  N 

New  France  WNevv  Mexico^ 

WITH    A 

Defcription  of  the  Great  Lakes^  Cata- 

raSiSj  ^yers^  ^lants^  and  Anlmah. 

Alfo,  the  M.wncn^  CuJlomSj  and  Languages  of  thefe- 
veral  Native  Indians  ;  and  the  AdvantJi^e  of  Conn- 
merce  with  "thofe  different  Nations. 

WITH    A 

CONrTmUATlON, 

Giving  an  ACCOUNT  of  the 
Attempts  of  the  Sieur  DeU  SALL'E  upon  the 
Mines  of  St.  Bark,  &c.     The  Taicing  of 
Qiishc  by  the  ETigl^jli ;  With  the  Advantages 
of  a  Shorter  Cut  to  Ch'ma  and  Japan, 

Both  Parts  Illuftrated  with  Maps,  and  Figmcs, 
and  Dedicated  to  His^Majefty  K.  Willlain. 


By  L.,  Uennephh-  riOW  Refident  in  Holland. 

To  which  are  added.  Several  l^etp  Dlfcoveries  in  North- 
America,  not  publifli'd  in  the  French'.  Edition. 

LONDON,   Printed  for  M.  Betzthy^  J.  Tcnfon, 
H.Bonmck,  T.Goodmn,  and  S.  Man/hip.  1^98, 


i.1 


[iii]        TO 

His  moft  Excellent  Majefty 

WILLIAM  in. 

King  of  Great  Britain,  &c. 

SIR, 

THIS  Account  of  the  greateft  Discovery  that  has  been 
made  in  this  Age,  of  feveral  Large  Countries,  fituate 
between  the  Frozen  Sea  and  New  Mexico,  I  make  bold  humbly 
to  Dedicate  to  your  Majefty.  Having  liv'd  Eleven  Years  ^ 
in  the  Northern  America,  I  have  had  an  Opportunity  to  pene- 
trate farther  into  that  Unknown  Continent  than  any  before 
me ;  wherein  I  have  difcover'd  New  Countries,  which  may  be 
juftly  call'd  the  Delights  of  that  New  W^orld.  [iv]  They  are 
larger  than  Europe,  water'd  with  an  infinite  number  of  fine 
Rivers,  the  Courfe  of  one  of  which  is  above  800  Leagues 


^This  is  an  exaggerated  statement,  for  Hennepin  in  his  Louisiane  distinctly  states 
that  he  returned  to  Canada,  from  his  Western  voyage,  in  1681  ;  and  he  clearly  implies 
(pp.  309,  310)  that  he  went  back  to  France  in  the  same  year.  As  he  first  came  to 
Canada  with  Bishop  Laval  (1675),  his  entire  sojourn  in  America  was  but  six  years. 
Cf.,  however,  his  own  explanation  of  this  statement  in  section  4  of  the  Preface  to 
part  ii  (our  vol.  ii)  of  the  present  work. —  Ed. 


4  To  the  KING. 

long,  ftock'd  with  all  forts  of  harmlefs  Beafts,  and  other 
Things  neceffary  for  the  Conveniency  of  Life ;  and  blefs'd 
with  fo  mild  a  Temperature  of  Air,  that  nothing  is  there 
wanting  to  lay  the  Foundation  of  one  of  the  Greateft  Em- 
pires in  the  World. 

I  fhould  think  my  felf  very  happy,  and  fufficiently  rewarded 
for  my  Laborious  Travels,  if  they  could  any  ways  contribute 
to  make  thofe  Countries  better  known,  under  the  Glorious 
Name  of  Your  Majefty ;  and  if  through  Your  Royal  Protec- 
tion I  might  ferve  as  Guide  to  your  Subje6ls,  to  carry  into 
thofe  Parts  the  Light  of  the  Gofpel,  and  the  Fame  of  your 
Heroical  Virtues  :  My  Name  would  be  blefs'd  amongft  thofe 
numerous  Nations,  who  live  without  Laws  and  Religion,  only 
becaufe  no  body  endeavours  [v]  to  inftrud  them ;  and  they 
would  have  the  Happinefs  of  being  converted  to  the  Chriftian 
Faith,  and  the  Advantage  of  feeing  at  the  fame  time,  their 
Fiercenefs  and  rude  Manners  foftned  and  civiliz'd,  by  the 
Commerce  of  a  Polite  and  Generous  Nation,  rul'd  by  the 
moft  Magnanimous  King  in  the  World. 

This  Enterprize  is  worthy  of  Your  Majefty,  who  never 
frames  but  Noble  Defigns,  and  purfues  them  with  fuch  a 
Prudence  and  Vigour,  that  they  are  always  crown'd  with  a 
Glorious  Succefs. 

I  dare  not  prefume  to  give  here  a  particular  Account  of 
what  Your  Majefty's  unparallell'd  Valour  and  Prudence  have 
done  for  the  Felicity  of  England^  Scotland,  and  Ireland,  and 
the  United  Provinces ;  the  Happinefs  of  your  Kingdoms,  and 


To  the  KING,  s 

the  Mildnefs  of  Your  Majefty's  Government,  proclaim  that 
Truth  to  all  the  World,  as  alfo  the  Tranquillity  of  the  United 
Netherlands^  [vi]  amidft  a  dreadful  War,  which  ravages  moft 
Parts  of  Europe.  Your  Majefty  drove  back  a  formidable 
Enemy,  who  had  penetrated  into  their  very  Heart,  and  keeps 
him  fmce  at  fuch  a  diflance,  that  they  have  nothing  to  fear 
from  his  Ambitious  Defigns. 

The  reft  of  Europe  is  no  lefs  indebted  to  Your  Majefty 
than  your  own  Kingdoms  and  the  United  Netherlands;  for 
Your  Majefty  expofes  every  Year  your  Life,  at  the  Head  of 
your  Armies  and  theirs,  to  proted  their  Country  and  pre- 
ferve  their  Liberties  from  a  fatal  Invafion.  The  Allies  know, 
and  own  with  Gratitude,  That  Your  Majefty's  Prudence, 
and  the  great  Refpedl  which  fo  many  Princes  have  for  your 
Perfonal  Merit,  are  the  only  Cement  that  was  able  to  main- 
tain the  Great  Alliance,  into  which  Europe  is  enter'd  for  its 
Prefervation. 

Your  Majefty's  Glorious  Atchievements  being  a  Theme 
above  my  Pen,  [vii]  I  muft  not  prefume  to  fpeak  of  them;  but 
my  Religion  obliges  me  to  mention  what  I  have  feen  with 
my  own  Eyes,  and  publifh  to  all  the  World,  That  I  have 
feen  Your  Majefty  Preferving,  with  the  utmoft  Care,  Our 
Churches  in  the  Netherlands^  while  Others,  who,  by  a  Principle 
of  Confcience,  were  oblig'd  to  Protedl  them,  left  them  ex- 
pos'd  to  the  Infolence  of  their  Soldiers,  violating  in  the  face 
of  the  Sun  the  Refpe6l  all  Chriftians  owe  them. 

It  is  this   great  Generofity  and  Equity  of  your  Majefty, 


6  To  the  KING. 

as  much  as  your  other  incomparable  Exploits,  which  have 
gain'd  you  the  Efteem  and  the  Hearts  of  all  Chriftian  Princes, 
one  alone  excepted ;  and  have  engag'd  the  King  of  Spain  my 
lawful  Sovereign,  the  moft  Catholick  Prince  in  the  World,  to 
make  fo  ftrid  an  Alliance  with  Your  Majefty. 

That  Great  Monarch  being  too  remote  from  the  Nether- 
lands to  defend  [viii]  his  Dominions,  has  found  in  Your 
Majefty  a  Vahant  and  Trufty  Defender ;  who  being  feconded 
by  the  Invincible  Elector  of  Bavaria,  proteds  the  Spanijh 
Dominions  againft  a  Prince,  who  makes  all  Poffible  Efforts 
to  deprive  his  Catholick  Majefty  thereof,  notwithftanding 
their  Proximity  of  Blood,  and  his  profefTmg  the  fame  Re- 
ligion.^ 

His  Catholick  Majefty  having  therefore  fo  often  expe- 
rienc'd,  that  Your  Majefty's  Royal  Word  is  more  firm  than 
other  Princes  Treaties  and  Solemn  Oaths,  could  not  alfo 
but  leave  his  Dominions  to  your  Difpofal;  fhewing  by  that 
unparallell'd  Piece  of  Truft,  how  much  he  relies  upon 
Your  Majefty's  Honour,  and  what  Efteem  he  has  for  your 
Royal  Vertues,  which  are  mix'd  with  no  manner  of  Imper- 
fedions. 


^In  1689  William  III  of  England  had  declared  war  against  France,  on  account 
of  the  aid  given  by  Louis  XIV  to  the  deposed  king  of  England,  James  II.  This  was 
quickly  followed  by  an  alliance  of  the  leading  European  powers  against  France, 
mainly  inspired  by  their  dread  of  Louis's  growing  ambition.  This  war,  in  which 
William  was  probably  the  most  distinguished  and  influential  of  the  allied  princes, 
was  finally  terminated  by  the  peace  of  Ryswick  (October  30,1697).  The  King  of 
Spain  at  this  time  was  Charles  II  ;  the  heir  to  his  crown  was  Ferdinand,  elector  of 
Bavaria,  but  that  prince  died  on  February  6,  1699. —  Ed. 


To  the  KING,  7 

I  don't  queftion  but  many,  out  of  Envy  or  Malice,  will 
blame  me  for  entring  into  Your  Majefty's  Service ;  [ix]  but 
I  care  very  little  for  what  they  fay,  fince  it  is  by  the  Permif- 
fion  of  his  Catholick  Majefty,  the  Eledor  of  Bavaria,  and 
the  Superiours  of  my  Order.  I  defign  to  keep  the  Integrity 
of  my  Faith,  and  ferve  faithfully  the  Great  Monarch  who  has 
honour'd  me  with  his  Royal  Protedtion.  I  owe  my  Services 
to  the  Generous  Protedor  of  my  Country,  and  of  our  Altars, 
who  befides  has  fo  kindly  receiv'd  me  at  his  Court,  while 
other  Princes  negledled  me,  or  forbad  me  their  Prefence.  It 
is  then  out  of  Gratitude,  that  I  devote  my  felf  to  Your 
Majefty's  Service,  and  in  order  to  contribute  to  the  Con- 
verfion  of  the  feveral  Nations  I  have  difcover'd,  and  to 
the  Advantage  of  your  Subjedls,  if  they  will  improve  this 
Opportunity,  and  make  Plantations  in  a  Country,  which  is  fo 
fertile  as  to  afford  Two  Crops  every  Year. 

The  Gentleman  with  whom  I  began  this  Difcovery,  had 
form'd  great  [x]  Defigns,  and  efpecially  upon  the  Mines  of 
St.  Barbe  in  New  Mexico;  but  his  Tragical  Death  prevented 
their  execution.^ 

I   humble   befeech  Your  Majefty  to   accept  this  Publick 


^A  reference  to  the  noted  explorer,  Robert  Cavelier  de  la  Salle,  who  was  mur- 
dered by  some  of  his  own  followers  (March  19,  1687),  while  searching  for  the 
Mississippi  River  that  he  might  secure  aid  for  his  starving  colonists  at  Matagorda 
Bay,  Texas, 

The  mines  here  mentioned  were  those  of  Santa  Barbara,  located  in  the  San 
Bartolome  valley,  in  what  is  now  Southern  Chihuahua,  Mexico  —  a  region  nota- 
ble for  the  richness  of  its  silver  mines.  A  Spanish  settlement  was  made  there  about 
1563. —  Ed 


8  To  the  KING. 

Mark  of  my  Refpedl  and  Gratitude ;  having  pray'd  the  Al- 
mighty for  the  Prefervation  of  Your  Sacred  Majefty's  Perfon, 
and  the  Profperity  of  your  Reign,  I  beg  leave  to  fubfcribe 
my  felf,  with  all  the  SubmifTion  and  Refped:  imaginable, 

SIR, 
Your   M  A  J  E  S  T  Y'j 

Moft  Humble^  moft  Faithful,  and 
Moji  Obedient  Servant, 

F.  Louis  Hennepin, 

MiJJionary  7{ecolle5f.^ 


1  The  Recollects  (Fr.  Recollets),  thus  termed  because  they  devoted  themselves  to 
religious  meditation  {recollection),  were  the  most  austere  of  all  the  Franciscan  orders. 
Missionaries  from  this  order  v^'ere  brought  to  New  France  by  Champlain  in  1615,  and 
labored  among  the  Indian  tribes  until  the  seizure  of  Canada  by  the  English  in  1629, 
when  both  they  and  the  Jesuits  were  sent  back  to  France.  The  Recollects  did  not 
again  enter  Canada  until  1670,  when  Talon  brought  over  some  of  them,  apparently  to 
serve  as  a  check  on  the  Jesuits.  Most  of  their  work  was  among  the  French  colonists, 
whom  they  often  served  as  cures. —  Ed, 


[xi]        THE 

PREFACE. 

I  PRESENT  here  the  Reader  with  the  Firft  Part  of  the  Account 
of  the  Voyage  I  made  from  the  Tear  1679,  to  the  Tear  1682,  in 
the  Northern  America ;  in  which  I  difcover'd  a  Country,  unknown 
before  me,  as  large  or  larger  than  Europe.  /  had  refolved  long 
ago  to  oblige  the  Publick  with  it;  but  my  Refolution  was  prevented 
by  fome  Reafons,  which  it  would  be  too  long  to  relate. 

'Tis  true,  I  publi/h'd  part  of  it  in  the  Tear  1684,  in  my  Account 
of  Louifiana ;  Printed  at  Paris  by  Order  of  the  French  Kiftg;  but 
I  was  then  oblig'd  to  fay  nothing  of  the  Courfe  of  the  River  Mef- 
chafipi,  from  the  Mouth  of  the  River  of  the  Illinois  down  to  the 
Sea,  for  fear  of  difobliging  M.  la  Salle,  with  whom  I  began  my 
Difcovery.  This  Gentleman  wou'd  alone  have  the  Glory  of  having 
difcover'd  the  Courfe  of  that  River:  But  when  he  heard  that  I 
had  done  it  two  Tears  before  him,  he  could  never  forgive  me, 
though,  as  I  have  faid,  I  was  fo  modefl  [xii]  as  to  publifh  nothing 
of  it.  This  is  the  true  caufe  of  his  Malice  againfl  me,  and  of  all 
the  barbarous  Ufage  I  have  met  with  in  France ;  which  they 
carry' d  fo  far,  as  to  oblige  the  Marquis  de  Louvois  to  command 
me  to  depart  the  French  King's  Dominions;  which  I  did  will- 
ingly, tho'  I  faw  fiifficient  Grounds  to  believe  this  Order  was  forg'd 
after  Monfieur  de  Louvois  was  dead. 

The  pretended  Reafons  of  that  violent  Order,  were,  becaufe  I 


lo  The    PREFACE. 

refiijed  to  return  in-\to]  America,  where  I  had  been  already 
Eleven  Tears ;  tho'  the  particular  Laws  of  our  Order  oblige  none 
of  us  to  go  beyond-Sea  againfl  their  fFill.  I  would  have  however 
returned  very  willingly,  had  I  not  fufficiently  known  the  Malice  of 
M.  la  Salle,  who  wou'd  have  expos' d  me,  to  make  me  peri/Ii,  as  he 
did  one  of  the  Men  who  accompany' d  me  in  my  Difcovery.  God 
knows,  that  I  am  forry  for  his  unfortunate  Death  ;  but  the  Judg- 
ments of  the  Almighty  are  always  jufl;  for  that  Gentleman  was 
kill'd  by  one  of  his  own  Men,  who  were  at  lafl  fenfible  that  he 
expos'd  them  to  vifible  Dangers,  without  any  Neceffity,  and  for  his 
private  Defgns. 

I  prefented  fame  time  after  a  Petition  to  the  French  King, 
while  he  was  encamp'd  at  Harlemont  in  Brabant,  fetting  forth 
my  Services,  and  the  Injuftice  of  my  Enemies;  but  that  Prince  had 
fo  many  Affairs,  [xiii]  that,  I  fuppofe,  they  hinder' d  him  from 
confidering  my  Petition ;  and  fo  I  cou'd  obtain  no  Satisfaction.  I 
continu'd  fince  at  Goffeliers  and  Aeth;  and  jufl  as  they  were 
raifing  another  Perfecution  againfl  m.e,  the  Divine  Providence 
brought  me  acquainted  with  Mr.  Blathwait,  Secretary  of  War  to 
his  Majefly  William  the  Third,  King  of  Great  Britain;  who,  by 
Order  of  His  Majefly,  wrote  a  Letter  to  Father  Payez,  General 
Commiffary  of  our  Order  at  Louvain,  to  defire  him  to  give  me 
leave  to  go  Miilionary  into  America,  and  to  continue  in  one  of  the 
United  Provinces,  till  I  had  digefled  into  Order  the  Memoires  of 
my  Difcovery.  This  General  Commiffary  being  informed  that  the 
King  of  Spain,  and  the  EleEior  of  Bavaria  confented  that  I  /hou'd 
ejiter  into  the  Service  of  His  Majefly  of  Great  Britain,  granted 
me  what  I  defir^d,  and  fent  me  to  Antwerp,  to  take  there  in  our 


The    PREFACE.  n 

Convent  a  Lay-Habit;  and  from  thence  I  went  into  Holland, 
having  received  fome  Money  from  Mr.  Hill,  by  Order  of  Mr. 
Blathwait. 

/  defign'd  to  live  at  Amfterdam  for  fome  time;  but  fome  Reafons 
oblig'd  me  to  go  to  Utrecht,  where  I  finifh'd  this  Firfi  Volume  of 
the  Account  of  my  Difcovery;  which  I  hope  will  prove  advantageous 
to  Europe,  [xiv]  and  efpecially  to  the  Englifh  Nation^  to  whofe 
Service  I  entirely  devote  my  felf. 

I  cannot  fufficiently  acknowledge  the  Favours  of  Mr.  Blathwait, 
who  has  fo  generoufly  provided  for  my  Subfiflence^  and  did  me  the 
Honour  to  prefent  me  to  His  Majefly  before  his  Departure  for 
England.  /  am  alfo  very  much  oblig'd  to  the  Duke  of  Ormond, 
and  the  Earl  of  Athlone,  for  the  Civilities  I  have  received  from 
them :  They  have  often  admitted  me  to  their  Table,  and  granted 
feveral  Protections  in  Flanders  upon  my  Recommendation. 

I  hope  the  Reader  will  be  pleas' d  with  the  Account  of  my  Dif- 
covery; not  for  the  Finenefs  of  the  Language,  and  the  Noblenefs  of 
the  Expreffion,  but  only  upon  Account  of  its  Importance,  and  of  the 
Sincerity  wherewith  'tis  written.  The  Bookseller  has  added  a 
Map,  and  fome  other  Cutts,  which  are  an  Ornament  to  the  Book, 
and  very  ufeful  for  the  better  underflanding  of  it. 


[xv]     Contents  of  the  Chapters. 

^'T^HE  Occafion  of  undertaking  this  Voyage. 

CHAP.    I. 

The  Motives  which  engag'd  the  Author  of  this  Difcovery  to  under- 
take the  Voyage,  whereof  you  have  here  a  Relation. 

CHAP.    II. 

The  Means  by  which  the  Author  accuftom'd  himfelf  to  endure  the 
Travail  and  Fatigue  of  his  laborious  Miffion. 

CHAP.    III. 

A  Defcription  of  thofe  Canon's  that  they  make  ufe  of  in  the  Summer- 
time, in  America,  for  the  Conveniency  of  travelling. 

CHAP.    IV. 

Other  Motives  that  induced  the  Author  more  forcibly  to  undertake 

this  Difcovery. 

^  CHAP.    V. 

A  Defcription  of  Fort  Catarokouy,  call'd  fince  Fort  Frontenac. 

CHAP.    VI. 

A  Defcription  of  fome  Fre/li-water  Lakes,   the  greatefl  and  the 
pleafantefl  in  the  Univerfe. 

CHAP.    VII. 

A  Defcription  of  the  Fall  of  the  River  Niagara,  that  is  to  be  feen 
betwixt  the  Lake  Ontario  and  that  of  Erie. 

CHAP.    VIII. 

A  Defcription  of  the  Lake  Erie. 

CHAP.    IX. 

A  Defcription  of  the  Lake  Huron. 


14  Contents  of  the  Chapters. 

CHAP.   X. 

A  Description  of  the  Lake  calVd  by  the  Savages  lUinouack,  and 
by  the  French,  Illinois. 

CHAP.    XI. 

A  fhort  Dejcription  of  the  Upper  Lake. 

CHAP.    XII. 

What  is  the  Predominant  Genius  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Canada. 

[xvi]         CHAP.    XIII. 
A  Defcription  of  my  firjl  Imbarkment  in  a  Canow  at  Quebec, 
the  Capital  City  of  Canada,  being  bound  for  the  South-Wefl 
of  New-France,  or  Canada. 

CHAP.    XIV. 

A  Defcription  of  my  fecond  Imbarkment  at  Fort  Frontenack,  in  a 
Brigantine  upon  the  Lake  Ontario  or  Frontenac. 

CHAP.    XV. 

An  Account  of  the  Embaffie  to  the  Iroquefe  Tfonnontouans. 

CHAP.    XVI. 

A  Defcription  of  a  Ship  of  Sixty  Tuns,  which  we  built  near  the 

Streights  of  the  Lake  Erie,  during  the  Winter  and  Spring  of 

the  Year  1679. 

'^        CHAP.    XVII. 

The  Author's  Return  to  Fort  Frontenac. 

CHAP.    XVIII. 

An  Account  of  our  Second  Embarkment  from  Fort  Frontenac. 

CHAP.    XIX. 

An  Account  of  our  Third  Embarkment  from  the  Mouth  of  the 

Lake  Erie. 

CHAP.    XX. 

An  Account  of  what  hapned  in  our  Paffage  from  the  Lake  Erie, 

unto  the  Lake  Huron. 


Contents  of  the  Chapters.  15 

CHAP.    XXI. 

An  Account  of  our  Navigation  on  the  Lake  Huron  to  Miffili- 
makinak. 

CHAP.    XXII. 

An  Account  of  our  Sailing  from  Miflilimakinak,  into  the  Lake  of 
the  Illinois. 

CHAP.    XXIII. 

An  Account  of  our  Embarkment  in  Canows  to  continue  our  Dif- 
covery^  from  the  Bay  of  Puans,  to  the  Miami's  on  the  Lake  of 
the  Illinois. 

CHAP.    XXIV. 

A  Defcription  of  the  Calumet,  or  Great  Pipe. 

[xvii]         CHAP.    XXV. 
A  Continuation  of  our  Difcovery ;  with  an  Account  of  our  Naviga- 
tion to  the  farther  End  of  the  Lake  of  the  Illinois  in  our  Canou's. 

CHAP.    XXVI. 

An  Account  of  the  Peace  made  between  us  and  the  Outtouagami's. 

CHAP.    XXVII. 

An  Account  of  the  Building  of  a  Fort  and  a  Houfe  near  the  River 
of  Miamis. 

CHAP.    XXVIII. 

A  Continuation  of  our  Voyage  from  Fort  Miamis  to  the  River  of 
the  Illinois. 

CHAP.    XXIX. 

An  Account  of  our  Embarkment  at  the  Head  of  the  River  of  the 
Illinois. 

CHAP.    XXX. 

A  Defcription  of  the  Hunting  of  the  wild  Bulls  and  Cows,  by  the 
Savages;  Of  the  bignefs  of  thofe  Beafls;  and  of  the  Advantages 
and  Improvements  that  may  be  made  of  the  Plain  where  they 
Paflure ;  and  of  the  Woods  thereabouts. 


i6  Contents  of  the  Chapters. 

CHAP.    XXXI. 

An  Account  of  our  Arrival  to  the  Country  of  the  Illinois,  one  of 
the  mofl  numerous  Nations  of  the  Savages  of  America. 

CHAP.    XXXII. 

An  Account  of  what  hapned  to  us  while  we  remained  among  the 
Illinois,  till  the  Building  of  a  New  Fort. 

CHAP.    XXXIII. 

Reflexions  upon  the  Temper  and  Manners  of  the  Illinois,  and  the 
little  Difpofition  they  have  to  embrace  Chriflianity. 

CHAP.    XXXIV. 
An  Account  of  the  Building  of  a  New  Fort  on  the  River  of  the 
Illinois,  named  by  the  Savages   Checagou,   and  by  us  Fort 
Crevecoeur;  as  alfo  a  Barque  to  go  down  the  River  Mefchafipi. 

[xviii]         CHAP.    XXXV. 
Containing  an  Account  of  what  was  tranfaXed  at  Fort  Crevecoeur 
before  M.  la   Salle'j   return    to    Fort   Frontenac ;    and   the 
IndruXions  we  received  from  a  Savage  concerning  the  River 
Mefchanpi.  ^^^p     ^^^^j 

The  Author  fets  out  from  Fort  Crevecoeur,  to  continue  his  Voyage. 

CHAP.    XXXVII. 

The  Courfe  of  the  River  Mefchafipi  from  the  Mouth  of  the  River 
of  the  Illinois,  to  the  Sea  ;  which  the  Author  did  not  think  fit 
to  publifh  in  his  Louifiana;  with  an  Account  of  the  Reafons 
he  had  to  undertake  that  Difcovery. 

CHAP.    XXXVIII. 

A  Continuation  of  our  Voyage  on  the  River  Mefchafipi. 

CHAP.    XXXIX. 

Reafons  which  obliged  us  to  return  towards  the  Source  of  the  River 
Mefchafipi,  without  going  any  farther  toward  the  Sea. 


Contents  of  the  Chapters.  17 

CHAP.    XL. 

An  Account  of  our  Departure  from  Koroa,  to  continue  our  Voyage. 

CHAP.    XLI. 

A  particular  Account  of  the  River  Mefchafipi ;  Of  the  Country 
thro'  which  it  flows ;  and  of  the  Mines  of  Copper^  Lead,  and 
Coals  we  difcover'd  in  our  Voyage. 

CHAP.    XLII. 

An  Account  of  the  various  Languages  of  the  Nations  inhabiting  the 

Banks  of  the  Mefchafipi ;  of  their  Submiffion  to  their  Chief ;  of 

the  Difference  of  their  Manners  from  the  Savages  of  Canada; 

and  of  the  Difficulties^  or  rather  Impoffibilities  attending  their 

Converfion. 

CHAP.    XLIII. 

An  Account  of  the  Fifhery  of  the  Sturgeons;  and  of  the  Courfe  we 

tooky  for  fear  of  meeting  fome  of  our  Men  from  Fort  Crevecoeur. 

[xlx]        CHAP.    XLIV. 
A  /hort  Account  of  the  Rivers  that  fall  into  the  Mefchafipi ;  of  the 
Lake  of  Tears;  of  the  Fall  of  St.  Anthony  ;  of  the  wild  Oats 
of  that  Country;  and  feveral  other  Circumflances  of  our  Voyage. 

CHAP.    XLV. 

The  Author  and  his  Canou-Men  are  taken  by  the  Savages,  who, 
after  feveral  Attempts  upon  their  Lives,  carry  them  away  with 
them  into  their  Country  above  the  River  Mefchafipi. 

CHAP.    XLVI. 

The  Refolution  which  the  Barbarians  took  to  carry  the  Author  and  his 

two  Men  along  with  them  up  into  their  Country,  above  the  River 

Mefchafipi. 

^  CHAP.    XLVII. 

The  many  Outrages  done  us  by  the  Savages,  before  we  arrived  in 

their  Country.     They  frequently  deftgn  againfi  our  Lives, 


1 8  Contents  of  the  Chapters. 

CHAP.    XLVIII. 

The  Advantages  which  the  Savages  of  the  North  have  over  thofe 
of  the  South,  in  relation  to  the  War:  As  alfo  the  Ceremony  which 
was  performed  by  one  of  our  Captains,  having  caused  us  to  halt 
at  Noon. 

CHAP.    XLIX. 

What  Tricks  and  Artifices  were  us'd  by  Aquipaguetin  to  cheat  us 
handfomely  of  our  Goods;  with  many  other  Accidents  that 
hapned  in  our  Voyage. 

CHAP.    L. 

The  Elders  weep  for  us  during  the  Night.  New  Outrages  done 
us  by  Aquipaguetin.  The  manner  how  the  Savages  make 
Fire  by  Frisian. 

CHAP.    LI. 

Ceremonies  us'd  by  the  Savages  when  they  fhare  their  Prifoners. 
Continuation  of  our  Journey  by  Land. 

CHAP.    LII. 

A  great  Contefl  arifes  amongfl  the  Savages,  about  dividing  our 
Merchandife  and  Equipage ;  as  alfo  my  Sacerdotal  Ornaments 
and  little  Chefl. 

[xx]         CHAP.    LIII. 
The  Troop  approaches  the  Village.    A  Grand  Confult  amongfl  the 
Savages,  whether  they  fliould  kill  us,  or  fave  and  adopt  us  for 
their  Sons.    The  Reception  which  we  had  from  them;  and  the 
ufe  they  made  of  my  Chafuble. 

CHAP.    LIV. 

The  Authors  Reception  by  the  Relations  of  Aquipaguetin.  They 
make  him  fweat  to  recover  him  of  his  Fatigues.  The  ufe  they 
make  of  his  Chafuble  and  other  Ornaments. 


Contents  of  the  Chapters.  19 

CHAP.    LV. 

The  Author  like  to  be  fami/h'd.  They  admire  his  Compafs,  and  an 
Iron  Pot  which  he  had.  He  makes  a  Di^ionary,  and  inftru^s 
them  in  Points  of  Religion^  in  relation  to  PoUgamy  and  Celibacy. 

CHAP.    LVI. 

The  mofl  confiderable  Captain  of  the  Iffati  and  NadouefTians  up- 
braid thofe  that  took  us.      The  Author  baptizes  the  Daughter  of 

Mamenifi. 

CHAP.    LVII. 

An  Embaffy  fent  to  the  Iffati  by  the  Savages  that  inhabit  to  the 

Weft  of  them.     Whence  it  appears  that  there  is  no  fuch  thing 

as  the  Streights  of  Anian  ;    and  that  Japan   is  on  the  fame 

Continent  as  Louifiana. 

CHAP.    LVIII. 

The  Iffati  affemble  to  hunt  the  Wild-Bull.  Refufal  of  the  two 
Canow-Men  to  take  the  Author  into  their  Canow,  in  order  to 
go  down  the  River  of  St.  Francis. 

CHAP.    LIX. 

The  Savages  halt  above  the  Fall  of  St.  Anthony  of  Padua.  They 
are  fireighten'd  for  Provifions.  The  Author^  with  Picard,  re- 
turns to  the  River  Ouifconfin.     The  Adventures  of  the  Voyage. 

CHAP.    LX. 

The  Hunting  of  the  Tortoife.  The  Author's  Canow  is  carry'd  off 
by  a  fudden  blafl  of  Wind.,  which  was  like  to  have  reduced  him 
and  his  Companions  to  great  Streights. 

[xxl]         CHAP.    LXI. 
We  continue  our  Courfe  in  fearch  of  the  River  Ouifconfin.     Aqui- 
paguetin^wJi  z/j,  and  gets  thither  before  us.    We  fubfifl  meerly 
by  Providence. 


20  Contents  of  the  Chapters. 

CHAP.    LXII. 

Great  Streights  which  the  Author  and  his  Companion  are  reduced 
to  in  their  Voyage.  They  at  laft  meet  again  with  the  Savages 
at  their  return  from  Hunting. 

CHAP.    LXIII. 

The  Savage  Women  hide  their  Provifions  up  and  down  in  private 
Holes.  They  go  down  the  River  again  a  fecond  time.  Addrefs 
of  the  Savages.     Bravery  of  one  of  the  Savages. 

CHAP.    LXIV. 

Arrival  of  the  Sieur  du  Luth  in  our  Camp.  He  defires  us  to  return 
with  him  and  his  Followers  to  the  Country  of  the  Iffati  and 
Nadoueflians.  I  cafl  my  Coverlet  over  a  dead  Man.  The 
Savages  are  pleas'd  at  it. 

CHAP.    LXV. 

The  Author  takes  his  leave  of  the  Savages  to  return  to  Canada. 

A  Savage  is  ftain  by  his  Chiefs  for  advifmg  to  kill  us.     Difpute 

between  the  Sieur  du   Luth  and  me,  about  the  Sacrifice  of 

Barbarians. 

CHAP.    LXVI. 

The  Sieur  du  Luth  is  in  a  great  Conflernation  at  the  Appearance 

of  a  Fleet  of  the  Savages,  who  furpriz'd  us  before  we  were  got 

into  the  River  Ouifconfin. 

CHAP.    LXVIL 

The  Author's  Voyage  from  the  Mouth  of  the  River  Ouifconfin, 
to  the  great  Bay  of  the  Puans. 

CHAP.    LXVIIL 

The  Author  and  his  Company  Jlay  fome  time  amongft  the  Puans. 
Original  of  the  Name.  They  celebrated  the  Mafs  here,  and 
winter  at  Miffillmakinak. 


Contents  of  the  Chapters.  21 

CHAP.    LXIX. 

The  Author's  Departure  from  Mifiilimakinak.  He  pajfes  two 
great  Lakes.  Taking  of  a  Great  Bear.  Some  Particulars 
relating  to  the  Flefh  of  that  Beafl. 

[xxii]  CHAP.  LXX. 
The  Meeting  of  the  Author  and  a  certain  Captain  of  the  Out- 
taouadls,  nam'd  Talon  by  the  Intendant  of  that  Name^  upon 
the  Lake  of  Erie ;  who  recounts  to  him  many  Adventures  of 
his  Family  and  Nation.  Further  Obfervations  upon  the  great 
Fall  or  Catara^  of  Niagara. 

CHAP.    LXXI. 

The  Author  fets  out  from  the  Fort  which  is  at  the  Mouth  of  the 
River  Niagara,  and  obliges  the  Iroquois  ajfembl'd  in  Council, 
to  deliver  up  the  Slaves  they  had  made  upon  the  Outtaouads. 

CHAP.    LXXII. 

The  Author  fets  out  from  /y&^  Tfonnontouans  Iroquois,  and  comes  to 

Fort  Frontenac. 

CHAP.    LXXIII. 

The  Author  fets  out  from  Fort  Frontenac,  and  paffes  over  the  rapid 

Stream,  which  is  call'd  The  Long  Fall.     He  is  kindly  received 

at  Montreal  by  Count  Frontenac. 

CHAP.    LXXIV. 

A  great  Defeat  of  the  Illinois,  that  were  attacked  and  furpriz'd  by 

the  Iroquois. 

^  CHAP.    LXXV. 

The  Savages  Kikapoux  murther  Father  Gabriel  de  la  Ribourde,  a 

Recoiled  Mijfwnary. 

CHAP.    LXXVI. 

The  Author's  Return  from  his  Difcovery  to  Quebec ;  and  what 
hapned  at  his  Arrival  at  the  Convent  of  Our  Lady  of  Angels 
near  that  Town. 


A 

New  Difcovery 

OF  A 

Country  greater  than  EUROPE 

Situated  in  America,  betwixt  New-Mexico 
a7td  the  Frozen-Sea. 


The  Occafion  of  undertaking  this  Voyage. 

MEN  are  never  weary  of  contemplating  thofe  Ob]e6ls  that 
are  before  their  Eyes,  becaufe  they  difcover  a  thoufand 
ravifliing  Excellencies  therein,  capable  to  afford  'em  both  Sat- 
isfadlion  and  Inftru6tion.  The  Wonders  they  there  meet  with, 
are  fo  furprifing,  and  (as  it  were)  enchanting,  that  they  are 
neceffarily  engaged  to  furvey  the  fame  with  all  poffible  Ex- 
adlnefs,  in  order  to  fatisfie  their  natural  Curiofity,  and  inform 
their  Minds. 

The  Condition  of  Travellers  is  very  near  the  fame.  They're 
never  weary  of  making  new  Difcoveries.  They're  indefatig- 
able in  rambling  through  unknown  Countries  and  Kingdoms 
not  mention'd  [2]  in  Hiftory ;  feafting  their  Minds  with  the 
Satisfadlion  of  gratifying  and  enriching  the  World  with  fome- 
thing   unheard  of    and  whereof  they   had   never   any  Idea 


24  A  New  Difcovery  of 

before.  'Tis  true,  fuch  Enterprizes  expofe  'em  to  infinite 
Fatigue  and  Danger :  But  herewith  they  folace  themfelves, 
and  perfevere  to  fuffer  all  with  Pleafure  in  that  they  hope  to 
contribute  thereby  both  to  the  publick  Good,  and  to  the 
glory  of  God,  while  at  the  fame  time  they  are  gratifying  their 
own  natural  Inclinations ;  and  hence  it  is,  they  are  fo  power- 
fully bent  to  make  thefe  Difcoveries,  to  feek  out  ftrange 
Countries  and  unknown  Nations,  whereof  they  had  never  be- 
fore heard  of. 

Thofe  whofe  Aim  in  undertaking  Voyages,  is  to  enlarge 
the  Bounds  of  Chrift's  Kingdom,  and  advance  the  Glory  of 
God,  do  upon  that  Profpedl  alone  valiantly  venture  their 
Lives,  making  'em  of  no  Account.  They  endure  the  greatefl 
Fatigues,  and  traverfe  the  moffc  unpaffable  Ways  and  horrid 
Precipices,  in  order  to  the  Execution  of  their  Defigns ;  being 
pufh'd  on  by  the  Hopes  they  entertain  of  Promoting  by  thefe 
means  the  Glory  of  him  who  created  'em,  and  under  whofe 
Condu6l  they  undertake  fuch  toilfome  Voyages. 

It's  ufual  to  fee  fome  undaunted  Men  boldly  encounter 
the  moft  frightful  of  Deaths,  both  in  Battles  and  in  danger- 
ous Voyages :  they  are  fuch  as  are  not  difcouraged  by  all  the 
Hazards  that  furround  'em  either  by  Sea  or  Land ;  nothing 
being  able  to  withftand  the  Valour  and  Courage  that  prompts 
'em  to  attempt  any  thing.  Therefore  is  it,  that  we  ofttimes 
fee  'em  fucceed  in  obtaining  their  Defigns,  and  compafiing 
their  moft  difficult  Enterprizes.  Yet  it's  to  be  acknowledg'd, 
that  if  they  took  a  ferious  View  before  hand,  of  the  Perils 
they're  about  to  encounter,  and  confider'd  'em  in  cold  Blood, 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  25 

they  would  perhaps  find  Difficulty  to  perfuade  themfelves  into 
fuch  refolute  Thoughts;  at  leaft,  they  would  [3]  not  form  their 
Defigns  after  fuch  a  daring  and  fearlefs  manner.  But  gen- 
erally fpeaking,  they  do  not  furvey  their  Dangers  beforehand, 
any  otherwife  than  by  the  Lump,  and  with  a  tranfient  View; 
and  having  once  fet  their  Hands  to  the  Work,  Occafion  en- 
gages 'em  infenfibly,  and  entices  'em  further  on  than  they 
cou'd  have  believ'd  at  firft.  Infomuch  that  many  of  the  great 
Difcoveries  owing  to  Voyages,  are  rather  the  Refult  of 
Chance,  than  any  well  form'd  Defign. 

Something  of  the  fame  Nature  has  happen'd  to  my  felf  in 
the  Difcovery  I  now  bring  to  Light.  I  was  from  my  Infancy 
very  fond  of  Travelling ;  and  my  natural  Curiofity  induc'd 
me  to  vifit  many  Parts  of  Europe  one  after  another.  But  not 
being  fatisfied  with  that,  I  found  my  felf  inclin'd  to  entertain 
more  diftant  Profpe6ls,  and  was  eager  upon  feeing  remoter 
Countries  and  Nations  that  had  not  yet  been  heard  of;  and 
in  gratifying  this  natural  Itch,  was  I  led  to  this  Difcovery  of 
a  vail  and  large  Country,  where  no  European  ever  was  before 
my  felf. 

'Tis  true  indeed,  I  could  not  forefee  the  EmbarafTmg  Diffi- 
culties and  Dangers  I  muft  of  neceffity  encounter  with  in  this 
my  painful  Voyage.  Nay,  perhaps  the  very  Thoughts  of  'em 
might  have  difcourag'd  and  fcar'd  me  from  attempting  a 
Defign  fo  laborious  and  toilfome,  and  environ'd  with  fuch 
frightful  Difficulties.  But  maugre  all  thefe  Difcouragements, 
I've  at  length  perfected  my  Defign,  the  Undertaking  of 
which  was  enough  to   frighten  any  other  but  my  felf.     In 


26  A  New  D  if  cover y  of 

which  I've  fatisfy'd  my  Defires,  both  in  regard  to  the  curi- 
ofity  I  had  to  fee  new  Countries,  and  ftrange  Faces ;  and  alfo 
upon  the  Account  of  my  Refolution  to  employ  and  dedicate 
my  felf  to  the  Glory  of  God,  and  the  Salvation  of  Souls. 

Thus  it  was  that  I  difcover'd  a  wonderful  Country  never 
known  till  now ;  of  which  I  here  give  an  ample  [4]  Defcrip- 
tion;  and  (as  I  think)  circumftantiated  enough:  It  being 
divided  into  feveral  fmall  Chapters,  for  the  Conveniency  of 
the  Reader.  I  hope  the  Publick  will  return  me  Thanks  for  my 
Pains,  becaufe  of  the  Advantage  that  may  accrue  to  it  by  the 
fame.  However  the  World's  Approbation  fhall  fufficiently 
recompenfe  all  the  Trouble  and  Dangers  I've  gone  through. 

I  am  not  infenfible  of  the  Reflections  I  fhall  meet  with 
from  fuch  as  never  dar'd  to  travel  themfelves,  or  never  read 
the  Hifbories  of  the  Curious  and  Brave,  who  have  given 
Relations  of  the  ftrange  Countries  they  have  taken  upon  them 
to  fee ;  I  doubt  not  but  that  fort  of  Cattle  will  account  of 
this  my  Difcovery  as  being  falfe  and  incredible.  But  what 
they  fay  fhall  not  trouble  me  much :  They  themfelves  were 
never  Mafters  of  the  Courage  and  Valour  which  infpires  Men 
to  undertake  the  glorious  Enterprizes  that  gain  'em  Repu- 
tation in  the  World,  being  confin'd  within  narrow  Bounds, 
and  wanting  a  Soul  to  atchieve  any  thing  that  can  procure 
'em  a  diftinguifhing  and  advantageous  Character  among  Men. 
It  were  better  therefore  for  fuch  to  admire  what  they  cannot 
comprehend,  and  reft  fatisfy'd  in  a  wife  and  profound  Silence, 
than  thus  foolifhly  to  blame  what  they  know  nothing  of. 

Travellers  are  generally  accus'd  of  venting  an  Infinity  of 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  27 

Lyes  and  Impoftures :  But  Men  of  a  magnanimous  and  firm 
Courage  are  above  fuch  filly  Railerles :  For  when  they've 
done  all  to  blacken  our  Reputation,  we  fliall  fl:ill  receive 
for  our  Reward,  the  Efteem  and  Approbation  of  Men  of 
Honour,  who  being  endow'd  with  knowing  and  penetrating 
Souls,  are  capable  to  give  an  equal  and  impartial  Judgment 
of  Travels,  and  of  the  juft  Merit  of  fuch  as  have  hazarded 
their  Lives  for  the  Glory  of  God,  and  the  Good  of  the 
Publick.  It  is  this  happy  and  agreeable  Recompence  that 
makes  the  daring  Travellers  [5]  fo  valiantly  expofe  them- 
felves  to  all  manner  of  Fatigues  and  Dangers,  that  by  fo 
doing,  they  may  become  ufeful  to  Mankind. 


28  A  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    I. 

The  Motives  which  engaged  the  Author  of  this  Difcovery  to  under- 
take the  Voyage^  whereof  you  have  here  a  Relation. 

I  ALWAYS  found  in  my  felf  a  ftrong  Inclination  to  retire 
from  the  World,  and  regulate  my  Life  according  to  the 
Rules  of  pure  and  fevere  Virtue  :  and  in  compliance  with  this 
Humour,  I  enter' d  into  the  Francifcan  Order^  defigning  to 
confine  my  felf  to  an  auftere  Way  of  Living.  I  was  over- 
joy'd  then,  when  I  read  in  Hiftory  the  Travels  and  Voyages 
of  the  Fathers  of  my  own  Order,  who  indeed  were  the  firft 
that  undertook  Miffions  into  any  foreign  Country.  And 
oft-times  reprefented  to  my  felf,  that  there  could  be  nothing 
greater  or  more  glorious  than  to  inftrud:  the  Ignorant  and 
Barbarous,  and  lead  'em  to  the  light  of  the  Gofpel;  and 
having  remark'd,  that  the  Francifcans  had  behav'd  themfelves 
in  this  Work  with  a  great  deal  of  Zeal  and  Succefs,  I  found 
this  begat  in  my  Mind  a  Defire  of  tracing  their  Footfteps, 
and  dedicating  my  felf  after  their  Example,  to  the  Glory  of 
God,  and  the  Salvation  of  Souls. 

In  reading  the  Hiftory  of  our  Order,  I  obferv'd,  that  in  a 
general  Affembly  held  in  the  Year  1621,  it  was  reckon'd,  that 
fince  the  firft  going  of  the  Reverend  Father  Martin  de  Faience 
(one  of  our  firft  Reformers)   into  America^  there  had  been 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  29 

five  hundred  Convents  of  Recolleds,  eftablifh'd  in  that  New 
World,  and  diftributed  into  Two  and  twenty  Provinces.  As 
I  advanc'd  in  Years,  this  Inclination  to  travel  did  fo  much 
the  more  fix  it  felf  in  my  Mind.  It  is  true,  [6]  one  of  my 
Sifters  that  was  marry'd  at  Ghent,  and  whom  I  lov'd  very 
tenderly,  did  diffuade  me  from  my  Defign  as  much  as  fhe 
could,  and  never  ceas'd  to  redouble  her  Sollicitations  to  that 
purpofe,  while  I  had  occafion  to  be  with  her  in  that  great 
City,  whither  I  had  gone  to  learn  the  Dutch  Language :  But 
being  follicited  on  the  other  hand,  by  many  of  my  Friends 
at  Amfterdam,  to  go  to  the  Eaft-Indies,  my  natural  Inclination, 
join'd  to  the  Influence  of  their  Requefls,  did  move  me  much, 
and  had  almoft  determin'd  me  to  undertake  a  Sea-Voyage. 

Seeing  then  that  all  the  Remonflrances  of  my  Sifter  could 
not  difTuade  me  from  travelling,  I  firft  undertook  a  Journey 
into  Italy ;  and  in  Obedience  to  the  Orders  of  my  Superiour, 
vifited  all  the  great  Churches,  and  moft  confiderable  Convents 
of  our  Order,  both  in  that  Country,  and  in  Germany ;  which 
did  in  fome  meafure  gratifie  the  Curioflty  of  my  Temper. 
But  having  return'd  to  the  Netherlands,  the  Reverend  Father 
TFiUiam  Herinx,  late  BIfhop  of  Ip?'es,  manifefted  his  averfenefs 
to  the  Refolution  I  had  taken  of  continuing  to  travel,  by 
detaining  me  in  the  Convent  of  Halles  in  Hainault,  where  I 
was  oblig'd  to  perform  the  OfBce  of  Preacher  for  a  Year. 
After  which,  with  the  Confent  of  my  Superiour,  I  went  into 
the  Country  of  Artois,  from  whence  I  was  fent  to  Calais,  to 
ad  the  part  of  a  Mendicant  there  in  time  of  Herring-faltlng. 

Being  there,  I  was  paflionately  in  love  with  hearing  the 


30  A  New  Difcoveiy  of 

Relations  that  Mafters  of  Ships  gave  of  their  Voyages. 
Afterwards  I  return'd  to  our  Convent  at  Biez^  by  the  way  of 
Dunkirk:  But  I  us'd  oft-times  to  fculk  behind  the  Doors  of 
Vidualling-Houfes,  to  hear  the  Sea-men  give  an  Account  of 
their  Adventures.  The  Smoak  of  Tobacco  v/as  offenfive  to 
me,  and  created  Pain  in  my  Stomach,  while  I  was  thus  intent 
upon  giving  ear  to  their  Relations :  But  for  all  I  was  very 
attentive  to  the  Accounts  they  gave  of  [7]  their  Encounters 
by  Sea,  the  Perils  they  had  gone  through,  and  all  the  Acci- 
dents which  befell  them  in  their  long  Voyages.  This  Occu- 
pation was  fo  agreeable  and  engaging,  that  I  have  fpent  whole 
Days  and  Nights  at  it  without  eating ;  for  hereby  I  always 
came  to  underftand  fome  new  thing,  concerning  the  Cufloms 
and  W^ays  of  Living  in  remote  Places ;  and  concerning  the 
Pleafantnefs,  Fertility,  and  Riches  of  the  Countries  where 
thefe  Men  had  been. 

This  confirm'd  me  more  and  more  in  my  former  Refolu- 
tion ;  and  that  I  might  advance  it  yet  further,  I  went  Mif- 
fionary  into  moft  part  of  the  Towns  of  Holland;  and  flopp'd 
at  length  at  Majlreicht^  for  eight  Months  together,  where  I 
adminifcer'd  the  Sacraments  to  above  Three  thoufand  wounded 
Men :  In  which  Occupation  I  ventur'd  many  Dangers  among 
the  Sick  People,  being  taken  ill  both  of  a  Spotted  Fever  and 
a  Dyfenterie,  which  brought  me  very  low,  and  near  unto 
Death :  But  God  at  length  reftor'd  me  to  my  former  Health, 
by  the  Care  and  Help  of  a  very  skilful  Dutch  Phyfician. 

The  fingular  Zeal  I  had  for  promoting  the  Good  of  Souls, 
engag'd  me  the  Year  following  to  be  prefent  at  the  Battle  of 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  31 

Seneffe,  where  I  was  bufied  in  adminiftring  Comfort  to  the 
poor  wounded  Men :  Till  at  length,  after  having  endur'd 
all  manner  of  Fatigue  and  Toil,  and  having  run  the  rifque 
of  extreme  Dangers  at  Sieges  of  Towns  in  the  Trenches, 
and  in  Fields  of  Battel,  (where  I  never  ceas'd  to  expofe 
my  felf  for  the  good  of  Mens  Souls)  while  thefe  bloody 
Men  were  breathing  nothing  but  Slaughter  and  Blood,  I 
happily  found  my  felf  in  a  condition  to  fatisfie  my  firft  Incli- 
nation :  For  I  then  receiv'd  Orders  from  my  Superiours  to 
go  for  Rochel,  in  order  to  embark  in  Quality  of  MifTionary 
for  Canada.  Within  Two  Leagues  of  that  City  I  perform'd 
the  Fundion  of  a  Curate  near  two  Months ;  being  invited  fo 
to  do  by  the  Paflor  of  the  Place,  who  had  occafion  [8]  to 
be  abfent  from  his  Charge.  But  afterwards  I  totally  refign'd 
my  felf  to  the  Providence  of  God,  and  begun  a  Voyage  of 
Twelve  or  Thirteen  hundred  Leagues  over,  and  perhaps  the 
greateft  that  can  be  made  by  Sea. 

I  embark'd  in  the  Company  of  Mr.  Frauds  de  Laval^  cre- 
ated then  BiHiop  oi Petree  in  partibus  Infideliiim,  and  fince  BIfhop 
of  Quebec,  the  Capital  City  of  Canada  ;  and  now  my  Inclination 
to  travel  Increas'd  more  and  more  :  Yet  I  ftaid  in  that  Country 
four  Years,  and  was  fent  thence  in  Miffion,  while  the  Abbot 
of  Fenelon,  prefent  Archblfhop  of  Cambray,  refided  there.^ 

^The  statements  of  this  paragraph  are  inexact.  Franfois  de  Laval  de  Mont- 
morency had  been  bishop  of  Petrasa  since  1658,  and  came  to  Canada  in  the  following 
year  as  vicar  apostolic  of  New  France.  Not  until  Oct.  1,  1674,  was  the  see  of  Quebec 
erected,  Laval  being  its  first  bishop,  a  dignity  which  he  he'd  until  his  resignation  in 
1685.  Returning  to  Canada  three  years  later,  he  spent  the  rest  of  his  life  there,  dying 
at  Quebec  May  6,  1708. 

The  Fenelon  who  labored  in  Canada  was  not  the  noted  archbishop,  but  his 


32  A  New  Difcovery  of 

I  fhall  not  here  recount  the  feveral  Adventures  of  our 
Voyage,  nor  the  Fights  we  were  engag'd  in  with  the  Ships  of 
Turkey^  Tunis,  and  Algiej's,  who  attempted  feveral  times  to 
have  taken  us ;  but  without  fuccefs.  Nor  fhall  I  ftay  to  relate 
our  Approach  to  Cape  Breton,  where  we  beheld  with  incred- 
ible Delight,  the  Battle  ordinarily  fought  betwixt  the  Fifhes 
call'd  Efpadons  [swordfish]  and  the  Whales,  their  mortal 
Enemies ;  neither  am  I  to  detain  my  Reader  with  an  Account 
of  what  vafb  Quantities  of  Fifh  we  took  at  Forty  Fathom 
Water,  upon  the  Great  Bank  of  New-found-Land ;  or  what 
great  Numbers  of  Ships  we  rencounter'd  with,  that  were 
bound  thither  from  different  Nations  to  fifh  in  thefe  Places, 
which  afford  fuch  infinite  Numbers  of  all  manner  of  Fifhes. 
Thefe  diverting  Sights  were  very  agreeable  to  all  our  Crev/, 
which  was  then  about  an  Hundred  Men  ftrong,  to  three 
Fourths  of  whom  I  adminiftred  the  Sacraments,  they  being 
Catholicks.  I  perform'd  likewife  Divine  Service  every  Day 
while  the  Weather  was  calm ;  and  we  fung  the  Itinerary  of 
the  Clergy,  tranfiated  into  Ft'ench  Verfe,  after  the  Evening 
Prayers. 

[9]  Thus  we  fweetly  pafs'd  our  Time  a-board,  'till  at 
length  Vv'e  arriv'd  at  Quebec,  the  Capital  City  of  Canada, 

half-brother,  Franfois  de  Salignac,  abbe  de  Fenelon.  This  priest,  a  Sulpitian,  was 
a  missionary  among  the  Cayugas  at  Quinte  Bay  from  1668  to  1673.  I^^  the  following 
year  he  was  sent  back  to  France  by  Frontenac,  having  incurred  the  governor's  dis- 
pleasure. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  33 


CHAP.    II. 

The  Means  by  which  the  Author  acciiftom'd  himjelf  to  endure  the 
Travail  and  Fatigue  of  his  laborious  Mijfion. 

MR. 'Francis  de  Laval,  Bifhop  of  Petre'e,  having  taken  pof- 
feffion  of  the  Eifhoprick  of  Quebec,  which  was  con- 
ferr'd  upon  him  by  Pope  Clement  X.  and  that  contrary  to 
the  Sentiments  of  many  Perfons  of  Quality,  who,  by  means 
of  his  Preferment,  were  fruftrated  of  their  own  Pretenfions : 
This  Reverend  Prelate  (I  fay)  having  taken  into  confedera- 
tion the  Fervency  of  my  Zeal  in  Preaching  the  Gofpel  in  my 
Voyage,  my  affiduous  Diligence  in  performing  Divine  Service, 
and  the  Care  I  had  taken  to  hinder  the  Young  Fellows  of 
our  Crew  from  keeping  loofe  Company  with  the  Women  and 
Maids  that  came  along  with  us  (for  which  I  had  oft-times 
been  rewarded  v/ith  Anger  and  Hatred;)  thefe  Reafons,  and 
fuch  like,  procur'd  me  the  Favour  and  Applaufe  of  this  Illuf- 
trious  Prelate,  he  obliging  me  to  preach  in  Advent  and  Lent 
to  the  Clolfler  of  St.  Auguflin,  In  the  Hofpital  of  Quebec. 

But  in  the  m.ean  while,  all  this  did  not  fatisfie  my  natural 
Inclination :  I  us'd  oft-times  to  go  fome  Twenty  or  Thirty 
Leagues  off  the  Town  to  fee  the  Country,  wearing  a  little 
Hood,  and   making  ufe  of  large  Rackets,^  without  which  I 

^ These  were  snowshoes,  called  by  the  Canadians  raqueties. — Ed. 
3 


34  ^  New  Difcovery  of 

had  been  in  danger  of  falling  headlong  over  fearful  Preci- 
pices. Sometimes  to  eafe  my  felf  a  little,  I  made  a  great 
Dog  I  had  brought  with  me,  drag  my  little  Baggage  along, 
that  I  might  arrive  the  fooner  at  Trois  Rivieres^  St.  Anne^  and 
Cape  Toiirmente^  Bourgfoyal,^  the  Point  de  Levi,  [lo]  and  at 
the  Ifland  of  St.  Laurence,^  whither  I  defign'd  to  go.  There 
I  affembled  together,  in  one  of  the  largeft  Cottages  of  that 
Country,  as  many  People  as  I  could  gather;  whom  in  fome 
time  I  admitted  to  ConfefTion,  and  to  the  Holy  Communion. 
In  the  Night-time  I  had  nothing  to  cover  me  but  a  Cloak; 
and  fometimes  the  Froft  pierc'd  to  my  very  Bones,  which 
oblig'd  me  to  make  a  Fire  five  or  fix  times  in  a  Night,  to 
prevent  my  freezing  to  death.  My  Commons  alfo  were  very 
fhort,  fcarce  more  than  to  keep  me  from  ftarving. 

In  the  Summer-feafon  I  was  oblig'd,  in  order  to  continue 
my  Mijfion,  to  travel  in  Canou's,  that  is,  a  fort  of  little  Boats 
(vv'hich  I  (hall  defcribe  hereafter)  that  they  make  ufe  of  in 
Lakes  and  Rivers:  Which  fort  of  Contrivance  fucceeded  well 
enough  where  the  Water  was  fhallow,  or  about  two  or  three 
Foot  deep ;  But  when  we  came  to  any  deeper  Place,  then  the 
Boat,  v/hich  was  round  underneath,  was  in  danger  of  over- 
turning, infomuch  that  I  had  certainly  perifli'd  in  the  Water, 
had  not  I  taken  a  circumfpeft  Care  of  my  felf. 

However,  I  found  my  felf  oblig'd  to  travel  after  this  man- 
ner, for  there  were  no  paffable  Roads  in  this  Country ;  it 

1  A  small  settlement  near  Quebec,  probably  at  the  entrance  of  Cap  Rouge  River, 
where  Jacques  Cartier  wintered  in  1541-2,  calling  his  post  Charlesbourg-Royal. — Ed. 

2  A  reference  to  Orleans  Island. — Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  35 

being  impollible  to  travel  over-land  in  thefe  wq'^n  Colonies, 
becaufe  of  that  infinite  number  of  Trees  and  Woods  that 
befet  them  on  all  fides,  which  muft  needs  be  cut  down  or 
burn'd  before  any  paffable  Way  be  made. 


36  A  New  Difcovery  of 


[ii]        CHAP.    III. 

A  Defcript'ion  of  thofe  Canoii's  that  they  make  life  of  in  the  Summer- 
time in  America,  for  the  Conveniency  of  travelling. 

THESE  Canon's  are  round  underneath,  as  I  faid  but  now, 
and  pointed  at  the  two  Ends,  not  unlike  the  Venetian 
Gondals :  Without  them  it  were  impofUble  to  travel  in  Amer- 
ica^ for  the  Country  is  full  of  vafl:  and  wide-extended  Forefts : 
Belides,  the  impetuous  Winds  fometimes  pluck  up  the  Trees 
by  the  Roots,  and  Time  it  felf  ranverfes  great  numbers  of 
'em,  which  tumbling  down  through  Age,  are  piled  fo  one 
upon  another,  that  the  Ways  are  totally  embarafs'd,  and  ren- 
der'd  unpaffable. 

The  Savages  are  very  ingenious  in  making  thefe  Canou's: 
They  make  them  of  the  Bark  of  Birch-Trees,  which  they  pull 
very  neatly  off  that  fort  of  Trees,  they  being  confiderably 
bigger  than  thofe  of  Europe.  They  betake  themfelves  to  this 
Work  generally  about  the  end  of  Winter,  in  the  vaft  Forefts 
that  lie  towards  the  Northern  Parts  of  thefe  Countries. 

For  fupporting  this  Bark  they  line  it  within  with  Ribs  or 
Pieces  of  white  Wood,  or  Cedar,  about  four  Fingers  broad; 
this  they  furbifli  up  with  fmall  Poles  made  fmooth,  that  make 
the  Circumference  of  the  Canou ;  then  by  other  Poles  going 
a-crofs,  about  an  Inch,  or  an  Inch  and  a  half  thick,  which  are 


a  Lai^ge  Country  in  America.  37 

very  fmoothly  polifh'd  ;  thefe  they  join  on  both  fides  to  the 
Bark  by  fmall  Roots  of  Trees  cloven  in  two,  not  much  unlike 
the  Willows  that  we  make  our  Baskets  of  in  Europe. 

Thefe  Canou's  have  no  Rudder,  as  the  bigger  Shallops 
have,  for  they  row  them  along  merely  by  the  [12]  force  of 
their  Arms  with  fome  fmall  Oars ;  and  can  turn  them  with  an 
incredible  fwiftnefs,  and  direct  them  whither  they  lift.  Thofe 
that  are  accuftom'd  to  manage  them,  can  make  'em  fail  at  a 
wonderful  rate,  even  in  calm  "Weather;  but  when  the  Wind 
is  favourable,  they  are  expedite  to  a  Miracle ;  for  they  then 
make  ufe  of  little  Sails  made  of  the  fame  Bark,  but  thinner 
than  that  of  the  Canou's.  As  for  the  Europeans^  that  by  long 
ufage  come  to  be  well  verf'd  in  this  fort  of  Tackling,  they 
make  ufe  of  about  four  Ells  of  Linen  Cloth,  hoifted  up  on  a 
little  Maft,  the  Foot  of  which  (lands  in  a  Hole  made  in  a 
fquare  piece  of  light  Wood,  that  is  faftned  betwixt  the  Ribs 
and  the  Bark  of  the  Canou's  towards  the  Bottom. 

Thofe  that  are  well  skill'd  in  managing  thefe  Canou's, 
can  fail  Thirty  or  Thirty  five  Leagues  in  a  Day  down  a  River, 
and  fometimes  more  in  Lakes,  if  the  Wind  be  favourable : 
But  fome  of  'em  are  much  bigger  than  others.  They  carry 
generally  about  a  Thoufand  pound  Weight,  fome  Twelve 
hundred,  and  the  biggeft  not  above  Fifteen  hundred  pounds. 
The  leaft  of  'em  can  carry  Three  or  four  hundred  pound 
weight,  together  v/ith  two  Men  or  Women  to  fteer  them 
along.  But  the  Greater  muft  have  Three  or  Four  Men  to 
manage  them,  and  fometimes  when  Bufmefs  requires  Expe- 
dition, Seven  or  Eight  to  quicken  their  pace. 


321122 


38  A  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    IV. 

Other  Motives  that  indue' d  the  Author  more  forcibly  to  undertake 
this  Difcovery. 

I  WAS  paflionately  zealous,  in  imitation  of  many  Fathers  of 
my  Order,  for  enlarging  the  Limits  of  Chriftianity,  and 
converting  the  barbarous  Americans  to  the  Belief  of  the  Gof- 
pel;  and  in  purfuance  [13]  of  that  Defign,  I  look'd  upon  the 
Employment  of  a  Miffionary  as  a  mod  Honourable  Pofl:  for 
me ;  fo  that  whenever  I  found  the  opportunity  of  a  MifTion, 
I  wiUingly  embrac'd  it ;  tho'  it  oblig'd  me  to  travel  more 
than  Twelve  hundred  Leagues  off  Canada  :  Yet  I  perfuaded 
feveral  to  accompany  me  in  my  Voyage ;  and  negleded  not 
any  thing  that  might  tend  to  the  furtherance  of  my  Defign. 
At  firft,  for  a  Trial  I  was  fent  in  Miffion  about  a  Hundred 
and  twenty  Leagues  beyond  Quebec.  I  went  up  by  the  way 
of  the  River  St.  Laurence^  and  arriv'd  at  length  at  the  brink 
of  a  lake  call'd  by  the  Natives  Ontario,  which  I  fliall  defcribe 
hereafter.  Being  there,  I  perfwaded  feveral  of  the  barbarous 
h-oquefe,  to  cultivate  the  Ground,  and  prepare  fome  Wood  for 
building  a  Lodge  for  us.  Then  I  made  them  ered  a  Crofs 
of  an  extraordinary  heighth  and  bignefs;  and  built  a  Chapel 
near  to  the  Lake,  and  fettled  my  felf  there,  with  another  of 
my  own  Order,  by  Name,  Father  Luke  Bui/fet,  whom  I  had 


a  Ljarge  Country  in  America.  39 

induc'd  to  come  along  with  me,  and  who  died  fince  in  our 
Francifcan  Convent  upon  the  Sambre :  I  fhall  have  occafion 
afterwards  to  fpeak  of  him,  for  that  we  cohabited  in  Canada 
for  a  long  time,  and  were  Fellow-Labourers  in  our  Settlement 
at  Catarokouy^;  which  was  the  Place  v/here  we  oft-times  con- 
certed the  Meafures  of  making  this  Difcovery  I  am  about  to 
relate.  I  there  gave  my  felf  much  to  the  reading  of  Voyages, 
and  encreas'd  the  Ambition  I  had  to  purfue  my  Defign,  from 
what  Light  the  Savages  imparted  to  us  in  that  matter :  In 
fine,  I  plainly  perceiv'd  by  what  Relations  I  had  receiv'd  of 
feveral  Particulars  in  different  Nations,  that  it  was  a  matter 
of  no  great  difficulty  to  make  confiderable  Eftablifhments  to 
the  South-Eaft  of  the  great  Lakes ;  and  that  by  the  conven- 
iency  of  a  great  River  call'd  Hoio  [Ohio],  which  paffes  through 
the  Country  of  the  Iroquefe,  a  Paffage  might  be  made  into  the 
Sea  at  Cape  Florida. 

[14]  While  I  refided  in  that  place,  I  made  feveral  little 
Tours,  fometimes  with  the  Inhabitants  of  Canada,  that  we  had 
brought  along  to  fettle  at  our  Fort  of  Catarokony ;  fometimes 
in  company  of  the  Savages  alone,  with  whom  I  convers'd  fre- 
quently. And  as  I  forefaw  that  the  Iroqiiefe  might  become 
jealous  and  fufpicious  of  our  Difcoveries,  I  refolv'd  to  make 
a  Tour  round  their  Five  Cantons ;  and  in  purfuance  of  this 
Defign,  threw  my  felf  among  'em,  being  accompanyM  only 
v/ith  a  Soldier  of  our  Fort,  who  travell'd  with  me  Seventy 
Leagues,  or  near  the  Matter,  on  this  Occafion;  we  having  our 

^The  Iroquois  name  of  the  place  where  Frontenac  built,  in  1673,  the  fort  long 
called  by  his  name,  on  the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Kingston,  Ont. — Ed. 


40  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Feet  arm'd  with  large  Rackets,  to  prevent  the  Injury  of  the 
Snow,  which  abounds  in  that  Country  in  time  of  Winter. 

I  had  already  acquir'd  fome  fmall  knowledge  of  the  Iroquefe 
Language;  and  while  I  travell'd  in  this  manner  among  them, 
they  were  furpriz'd  to  fee  me  walk  in  the  Midft  of  Snow,  and 
lodge  my  felf  in  the  Vv'ild  Forefts  that  their  Country  is  full  of. 
We  were  oblig'd  to  dig  four  Foot  deep  into  the  Snow,  to 
make  Fire  at  Night,  after  having  journey'd  Ten  or  Twelve 
Leagues  over-day.  Our  Shoes  were  made  after  the  Fafhion 
of  thofe  of  the  Natives,  but  were  not  able  to  keep  out  the 
Snow,  which  melted  as  foon  as  our  Feet  touch'd  it,  it  having 
receiv'd  heat  from  the  motion  of  us  walking  along.  We  made 
ufe  of  the  Barks  of  Trees  to  cover  us  when  we  went  to  fleep; 
and  were  carefully  follicitous  to  keep  in  great  Fires  to  defend 
us  from  the  nipping  Colds.  In  this  lonefome  Condition  fpent 
we  the  Nights,  waiting  the  welcome  return  of  the  Sun,  that 
we  might  go  on  in  our  Journey.  As  for  Food,  we  had  none, 
fave  the  Indian  Corn  grinded  fmall,  which  we  diluted  with 
Water,  to  make  it  go  down  the  better. 

Thus  we  pafs'd  through  the  Countries  of  the  Honnehiouts 
and  HonnontageSj^  who  gave  us  a  very  kind  [15]  reception, 

^The  tribes  included  in  the  Iroquois  League  (called  by  themselves  "the  Long 
House"  or  "the  Five  Cabins,"  and  by  English  writers  usually  "the  Five  Nations") 
were  thus  located:  The  westernmost  and  largest  were  the  Senecas  (Tsonnontouans) ; 
their  principal  villages  were  at  the  present  Mendon  and  Victor,  N.  Y.  Next  were 
the  Cayugas  (Oiogouins,  or  Goyogouins),  near  Savannah  and  Union  Springs.  The 
Onondagas  (Onnontaes,  Honnontages)  were  the  central  and  most  influential  of  these 
tribes,  near  Manlius  and  Jamesville.  East  of  them  were  the  Oneidas  (Onneiouts, 
Honnehiouts) ,  in  Madison  county.  Finally  came  the  Mohawks  (called  by  the  French 
Agniers  or  Anies) ,  occupying  the  lower  part  of  the  Mohawk  River  valley  ;  these  were 
apparently  the  fiercest,  most  implacable,  and  most  treacherous  of  the  five  tribes.     For 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  41 

and  are  the  moil  Warlike  People  of  all  the  Iroqiieje.  When 
they  faw  us,  they  put  their  Forefingers  to  their  Mouths  fig- 
nifying  how  much  furpris'd  they  were  at  the  troublefom  and 
difficult  Journey  we  had  made  in  the  middle  of  Winter.  Then 
looking  upon  the  mean  and  mortifying  Habit  of  St.  Francis^ 
they  cry'd  aloud,  Hetchitagon!  that  is,  Bare-foot;  and  did  with 
all  manner  of  paffion  and  aftonifhment  pronounce  the  Word 
Gannoron;  intimating,  that  it  muft  needs  have  been  a  Bufinefs 
of  great  Importance  that  moy'd  us  to  attempt  fuch  a  difficult 
Journey  at  fo  unfeafonable  a  time. 

Thefe  Savages  regal'd  us  with  Elk  and  Venlfon,  drefs'd 
after  their  own  fafhion,  which  we  eat  of,  and  afterwards  took 
leave  of  'em,  going  further  on  in  our  Journey.  When  we 
departed,  we  carry'd  our  Bed-cloaths  on  our  Backs,  and  took 
with  us  a  little  Pot  to  boyl  their  Corn  in.  We  pafs'd  through 
Ways  that  were  overflown  with  Water,  and  fuch  as  wou'd 
have  been  unpaffable  by  any  European  :  For  when  we  came  at 
vaft  Marffies  and  overflowing  Brooks,  we  were  oblig'd  to  crawl 
along  by  the  Trees.  At  length  with  much  difficulty  we  arriv'd 
at  Ganniekez,  ov  Agniez^  which  is  one  of  the  Five  Cantons  of 
the  Iroquefe,  fituated  about  a  large  Day's  Journey  from  New- 
Holland,  call'd  now  New-York :  Being  there,  we  were  forc'd  to 
feafon  our  Indian  Corn  (which  we  were  v/ont  to  bruize  betwixt 
two  Stones)  with  little  Frogs  that  the  Natives  gather'd  in 
the  Meadows  towards  Eafter,  when  the  Snov/  was  all  gone. 

more  detailed  information  regarding  these  peoples,  see  Jesuit  Relations  (Thwaites's 
edition  —  the  one  cited  throughout  these  notes),  viii,  pp.  293,  297-301;  and  li,  pp. 
293-295  (with  map). — Ed. 


42  A  New  Difcovery  of 

We  ftay'd  fome  time  among  thefe  People,  lodging  with  a 
Jefuite  that  had  been  born  at  Lions,  to  tranfcribe  an  Iroquefe 
Didionary.^  When  the  Weather  began  to  be  more  favour- 
able, we  chanc'd  one  day  to  meet  with  three  Dutch-men.  on 
Horfe-back,  who  had  come  thither  to  traffick  in  Beavers 
Skins :  They  were  fent  thither  by  Major  Andrews,  who  is 
[i6]  the  Perfon  that  fubdu'd  Bofton  and  New-York  for  the 
King  of  England,  and  is  at  prefent  Governour  of  Virginia.^ 

Thefe  Gentlemen  alighted  from  their  Horfes,  that  we 
might  mount  'em,  taking  us  along  with  them  to  New-Orange 
to  be  regal'd  there.  As  foon  as  they  heard  me  fpeak  Dutch, 
they  teftify'd  a  great  deal  of  Friendfhip  to  me,  and  told  me 
they  had  read  feveral  Hiftories  of  the  Difcoveries  made  by 
thofe  of  our  Francifcan  Order  in  the  Northern  Parts  of  Amer- 
ica, but  had  never  before  feen  any  wear  the  Habit  in  thefe 
Countries  as  we  did.  They  likewife  exprefs'd  the  great  De- 
fire  they  had  to  have  me  ftay  among  them,  for  the  Spiritual 
Comfort  and  Advantage  of  many  Catholicks  who  had  come 
from  our  Netherlands,  and  fetled  there:  And  I  fhould  very 
willingly  have  yielded  to  their  Intreaties  in  refiding  there,  but 
that  I  was  afraid  of  giving  any  Jealoufie  to  the  Jefuites,  who 
had  receiv'd  me  very  Kindly;  and  befides,  I  was  aware  of 
[their]    injuring   the    Colony  of   Canada,  m   refped:   to  the 

1  Apparently  a  reference  to  Jacques  Bruyas,  a  missionary  among  the  Iroquois  from 
1667  until  his  death  in  1712.  He  was  an  able  linguist,  and  left  a  MS.  grammar  of 
the  Mohawk  language,  the  oldest  known  to  exist.  This  was  published  by  the  regents 
of  the  University  of  New  York,  in  their  Sixieenih  Ajinual  Report  of  State  Cabinet 
(Albany,  1863),  pp.  3-123. — Ed. 

2  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  long  the  governor  of  New  York  colony,  and  later  of  Vir- 
ginia.— Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  43 

Commerce  they  had  with  the  Savages  of  my  Acquaintance  in 
Beavers  and  Skins.  We  therefore  having  teftifyed  how  much 
obhg'd  we  were  to  the  Gentlemen  for  their  Kindnefs,  re- 
turn'd  again  to  Catarokouy  with  much  lefs  difficulty  than  we 
went.  But  all  this  had  no  other  effed;  than  to  augment  the 
Itching  I  had  to  difcover  remoter  Countries. 


44  ^  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    V. 

A  Defcription  of  Fort  Catarokouy,  call'd  fince  Fort  Frontenac. 

THIS  Fort  is  fituated  a  Hundred  Leagues  from  Quebec 
(the  Capital  City  of  Canada)  up  the  River  St.  Laurence 
Southwards.  It  is  built  near  to  the  [17]  Place  where  the 
Lake  Ontario  (which  is  as  much  as  to  fay,  the  pretty  Lake^) 
difcharges  it  felf.  It  was  furrounded  with  a  Rampart,  great 
Stakes  and  Palifado's,  and  four  Baftions,  by  the  Order  of 
Count  Frontenac^  Governour-General  of  Canada.  They  found 
it  neceffary  to  build  this  Fort  for  a  Bulwark  againfc  the  Ex- 
curfions  of  the  Iroguefe,  and  to  interrupt  the  Trade  of  Skins 
that  thefe  Savages  maintain  with  the  Inhabitants  of  New- 
York,  and  the  Hollanders,  who  have  fettled  a  new  Colony 
there ;  for  they  furnifh  the  Savages  with  Commodities  at 
cheaper  Rates  than  the  French  of  Canada. 

The  Iroquefe  are  an  Infolent  and  barbarous  Nation,  that 
has  fned  the  Blood  of  more  than  Two  millions  of  Souls  in 
that  vafl:-extended  Country.  They  would  never  ceafe  from 
difturbing  the  Repofe  of  the  Europeans,  were  it  not  for  fear 
of  their  Fire-Arms :    For  they  entertain  no  Commerce  with 

^  Many  writers  say  that  the  word  Ontario  means  "  beautiful  lake";  but  Horatio 
Hale  thinks  that  its  original  signification  was  "  great  lake  "  {Iroquois  Book  of  Rites, 
p.  176). —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  45 

them,  fave  in  the  Merchandife-Goods  they  ftand  in  need  of, 
and  in  Arms,  which  they  buy  on  purpofe  to  ufe  againft  their 
Neighbours;  and  by  the  means  of  which,  they  have  compafs'd 
the  Deftrudlion  of  an  infinite  Number  of  People,  extending 
their  bloody  Conqueft  above  5  or  600  Leagues  beyond  their 
own  Precin6ls,  and  exterminating  whatever  Nations  they  hate. 
This  Fort,  which  at  firft  was  only  furrounded  with  Stakes, 
Palifado's,  and  earthen  Ramparts,  has  been  enlarg'd  fince  the 
commencement  of  my  MifTion  into  thefe  Countries,  to  the  cir- 
cumference of  Three  hundred  and  fixty  Toifes  (each  of  thefe 
being  fix  Foot  in  length^)  and  is  now  adorn'd  with  Free- 
Stone,  which  they  find  naturally  polifh'd  by  the  fhock  of  the 
Water  upon  the  brink  of  the  Lake  Ontario  or  Frontenac.  They 
wrought  at  this  Fort  with  fo  much  diligence  and  expedition, 
that  in  two  Years  time  it  was  advanc'd  to  this  perfe6lion,  by 
the  Care  and  Condu6l  of  Sieur-Cavelier  de  la  Salle,  who  was 
a  Norman  [18]  born;  a  Man  of  great  Condud;  and  profound 
Policy.  He  oft-times  pretended  to  me,  that  he  was  a  Pariftan 
by  Birth,^  thinking  thereby  to  engage  Father  Luke  Buijfet 
before-Mention'd,  and  me,  to  put  more  confidence  in  him : 
For  he  had  quickly  obferv'd  from  our  ordinary  Converfation, 
that  the  Flemins,  and  feveral  other  Nations,  are  prone  to  be 
jealous  of  the  Normans.     I  am  fenfible  that  there  are  Men  of 

^The  toise  is  a  French  linear  measure,  of  six  French  feet,  equivalent  to  6.395 
English  feet. —  Ed. 

2  For  biography  of  La  Salle,  see  Parkman's  La  Salle  (citations  in  the  present  work 
are  made  from  the  edition  of  1892);  Gravier's  Decowvertes  et  etablissements  de 
Cavelicr  de  la  Salle  (Paris,  1870);  Jcs.  Relations,  Ivii,  pp.  315-317,  and  Ix,  319, 
320. —  Ed. 


4-6  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Honour  and  Probity  in  Normandy^  as  well  as  elfewhere ;  but 
neverthelefs  it  is  certain,  that  other  Nations  are  generally- 
more  free,  and  lefs  fly  and  intriguing,  than  the  Inhabitants 
of  that  Province  of  France. 

This  Fort  Frontenac  lies  to  the  Northward  of  this  Lake, 
near  to  its  Mouth,  where  it  difcharges  it  felf ;  and  is  fituated 
in  a  Peninfuia,  of  which  the  Ifthmus  is  digg'd  into  a  Ditch. 
On  the  other  fide,  it  has  partly  the  Brink  of  the  Lake  fur- 
rounding  it,  partly  a  pretty  fort  of  a  natural  Mould,  where 
ail  manner  of  Ships  may  ride  fafely. 

The  Situation  of  this  Fort  is  fo  advantageous,  that  they 
can  eafily  prevent  the  Sallies  and  Returns  of  the  Iroqiiefe; 
and  in  the  fpace  of  Twenty  four  Hours,  can  wage  War  with 
them  in  the  Heart  of  their  own  Country.  This  is  eafily  com- 
pafs'd  by  the  help  of  their  Barques,  of  which  I  faw  Three 
all  deck'd  and  mounted,  at  my  laft  departure  thence.  With 
thefe  Barques,  in  a  very  little  time,  they  can  convey  them- 
felves  to  the  South-fide  of  the  Lake,  and  pillage  (if  it  be 
needful)  the  Country  of  the  T/onnontouans,  who  are  the  moft 
numerous  of  all  the  Provinces  of  the  Iroquefe.  They  manure 
a  great  deal  of  Ground  for  fowing  their  Indian  Corn  in,  of 
which  they  reap  ordinarily  in  one  Harvefl;  as  much  as  ferves 
'em  for  two  Years :  Then  they  put  It  into  Caves  digg'd  in 
the  Earth,  and  cover'd  after  fuch  a  manner,  that  no  Rain  can 
come  at  it. 

[19]  The  Ground  which  lies  along  the  Brink  of  this  Lake 
is  very  fertile :  In  the  fpace  of  two  Years  and  a  half  that  I 
refided  there  in  difcharge  of  my  AliJJion,  they  cultivated  more 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  47 

than  a  hundred  Acres  of  it.  Both  the  Indian  and  European 
Corn,  Pulfe,  Pot-Herbs,  Gourds,  and  Water-Melons,  throve 
very  well.  It  is  true  indeed,  that  at  firft  the  Corn  was  much 
fpoil'd  by  Grafhoppers ;  but  this  is  a  thing  that  happens  in 
all  the  Parts  of  Canada  at  the  firft  cultivating  the  Ground, 
by  reafon  of  the  extream  Humidity  of  all  that  Country.  The 
firft  Planters  we  fent  thither,  bred  up  Poultry  there,  and 
tranfported  with  them  Horned  Beafts,  which  multiply'd  there 
extreamly.  They  have  ftately  Trees,  fit  for  building  of  Houfes 
or  Ships.  Their  Winter  is  by  three  Months  fliorter  than  at 
Canada.  In  fine,  we  have  all  the  reafon  to  hope,  that  e're 
long,  a  confiderable  Colony  will  be  fettled  in  that  Place. 
When  I  undertook  my  great  Voyage,  I  left  there  about  Fif- 
teen or  Sixteen  Families  together,^  with  Father  Luke  Buijfet  a 
Recollet,  with  whom  I  had  us'd  to  adminifter  the  Sacraments 
in  the  Chapel  of  that  Fort. 

While  the  Brink  of  the  Lake  was  frozen,  I  walk'd  upon 
the  Ice  to  an  Iroquefe  Village,  call'd  Ganneoufe,  near  to  Kent^, 
about  nine  Leagues  off  the  Fort,^  in  company  of  the  Sieur 
de  la  Salle  above-mention'd.  Thefe  Savages  prefented  us  with 
the  Flefh  of  Elks  and  Porcupines,  which  we  fed  upon.  After 
having  difcours'd  them  fome  time,  we  return'd,  bringing  with 
us  a  confiderable  number  of  the  Natives,  in  order  to  form  a 
little  Village  of  about   Forty  Cottages  to   be   inhabited   by 

1  These  were  French  colonists,  drawn  to  Fort  Frontenac  by  La  Salle,  who  made 
them  grants  of  land,  and  was  their  feudal  seignior. —  Ed. 

2 In  i668,  Sulpitians  from  Montreal  began  a  mission  at  Quinte  (Kente)  Bay,  on 
the  north  side  of  Lake  Ontario,  among  a  colony  of  Cayugas  who  had  recently  settled 
there.    The  Sulpitians  were  replaced  by  Recollect  missionaries,  about  1673. — Ed. 


48  A  New  Difcovery  of 

them,  lying  betwixt  the  Fort  and  our  Houfe  of  Miffion. 
Thefe  Barbarians  turn'd  up  the  Ground  for  fowing  of  Indian 
Corn  and  Pulfe,  of  which  we  gave  them  fome  for  their  Gar- 
dens. We  likewife  taught  them,  contrary  to  their  ufual  cuftom 
of  eating,  to  feed  upon  Soupe,  made  with  Pulfe  and  Herbs, 
as  we  did. 

[20]  Father  Luke  and  I  made  one  Remark  upon  their 
Language,  that  they  pronounc'd  no  Labial  Letters,  fuch  as 
5,  P,  M,  F.  We  had  the  Apoftolick  Creed,  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  and  our  ordinary  Litany,  tranflated  into  the  Iroqueje 
Language,  which  we  caus'd  them  to  get  by  heart,  and  repeat 
to  their  Children ;  and  forc'd  their  Children  to  pronounce 
as  we  did,  by  inculcating  to  them  the  Labial  Letters,  and 
obliging  'em  to  frequent  converfe  with  the  Children  of  the 
Europeans  that  inhabited  the  Fort ;  fo  that  they  mutually 
taught  one  another  their  Mother-Languages ;  which  ferv'd 
likewife  to  entertain  a  good  Correfpondence  with  the  Iroqueje. 

Thefe  Barbarians  flay'd  always  with  us,  except  when  they 
went  a  hunting;  which  was  the  thing  we  were  much  concern'd 
about :  for  when  they  went  for  five  or  fix  Months  ravaging 
through  their  vaft  huge  Forefts,  and  fometimes  Two  hundred 
Leagues  from  their  ordinary  abode,  they  took  their  whole 
Family  along  with  them.  And  thus  they  liv'd  together,  feed- 
ing upon  the  Flefh  of  the  wild  Beafts  they  kill'd  with  the  Fire- 
Arms  they  us'd  to  receive  of  the  Europeans^  in  exchange  of 
their  Skins :  And  it  was  impoffible  for  any  Miffionary  to  fol- 
low them  into  thefe  wild  Defarts;  fo  that  their  Children  being 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  49 

abfent  all  the  feafon  of  Hunting,  forgot  what  we  had  inftill'd 
into  them  at  Fort  Frontenac. 

The  Inhabitants  of  Canada  towards  Quebec^  Trois  Rivieres^ 
and  the  Ifle  of  Mon\_t']real^  being  fick  of  their  long  Winters; 
and  feeing  thofe  of  the  Francijcan  Order  fettle  themfelves  at 
Frontenac^  where  the  Winter  was  three  Months  fhorter,  many 
of  'em  refolv'd  to  tranfport  their  Families  thither,  and  refide 
there.  They  reprefented  to  themfelves  the  Advantage  that 
fhould  accrue  to  them,  by  having  the  Sacraments  adminiftred, 
and  their  Children  educated  by  us,  and  that  for  nothing ; 
for  we  ordinarily  took  no  Compenfatlon  for  the  Inftru6lion 
we  gave. 

[21]  There  have  always  been  fome  fort  of  People  who 
endeavour'd  to  render  themfelves  Mafters  of  Canada,  and  be- 
come Arbiters  and  Judges  over  all  the  Settlements  there ; 
for  the  compafling  of  which  Defign,  they  left  no  means  un- 
try'd.  They  attributed  to  themfelves  the  Glory  of  all  the 
Good  Succefs  that  was  had  there :  They  difpers'd  their  Mif- 
fionaries  over  all  the  Country,  and  endeavour'd  to  obftrud 
all  our  Defigns  at  Fort  Frontenac.  In  fine,  they  oblig'd  our 
Recollets  to  remove  thence  by  the  help  of  the  Marquifs  de 
Benonville,  the  then  Governour  of  Canada,  whom  they  had 
wheedled  into  their  Interefts,  and  who  had  fuffer'd  himfelf  to 
be  impos'd  upon  by  the  Artifices  of  thefe  Men.^ 

I  hope,  that  fome  time  or  other  God  will  re-eftablifh  our 


^  A  sarcastic  allusion  to  the  Jesuits.    Jacques  Rene  de  Brisay,  Marquis  de  Denon- 
ville,  was  governor  of  New  France  from  August,  1685  to  October,  1689. —  Ed. 
4 


50  A  New  Difcovery  of 

poor  Monks  in  that  Place ;  for  their  Defigns  were  always 
innocent  and  good ;  and  they  could  never  have  been  made 
to  retire  thence,  without  doing  them  Injuftice.  God  leaves 
nothing  unpunifh'd  :  The  Day  fhali  come  when  he  fhall  take 
Vengeance  on  thofe  V\^ho  did  this  Injury.  I  heard  fome  time 
ago,  that  the  Iroqiiefe,  who  wage  continual  War  with  the 
French  of  Canada^  have  feiz'd  the  Fort  of  Catarockouy^;  as  alfo 
that  the  cruel  Savages  did  fmoak  in  their  Pipes  fome  of  the 
Fingers  of  thofe  who  had  procur'd  the  departure  of  our  poor 
Recollets  from  that  Fort;  and  that  the  prefent  Inhabitants  of 
Canada  have  upbraided  thofe  who  were  the  Authors  of  that 
Injuftice,  with  it. 

^  In  1689  Denonville,  feeling  unable  to  maintain  Fort  Frontenac,  ordered  its  aban- 
donment ;  it  was  soon  after  seized  by  the  Iroquois,  who  found  therein  large  quantities 
of  stores  and  ammunition.  Orders  were  given  by  Louis  XIV,  in  the  following  year, 
that  the  walls  of  the  fort  be  razed  ;  but  it  was  restored  by  Frontenac  in  1695.  See 
Jes.  Relations,  Ixiv,  pp.  97,  276. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  51 


CHAP.    VI. 

A  Defcription  of  fome  Frejli-water  Lakes,   the  greatefl  and  the 
pleafanteft  in  the  Univerfe. 

I  HERE  commence  the  Defcription  of  the  moft  remarkable 
Things  in  this  great  Difcovery,  that  the  Reader  may  the 
more  eafily  attain  to  a  full  Knowledge  [22]  of  our  Voyage, 
by  following  the  Map  we  have  provided  for  that  purpofe. 

The  Lake  Ontario  receiv'd  the  Name  of  the  Lake  Fron- 
tenac,  from  the  Illuftrious  Count  de  Frontenac,  Governour- 
General  of  Canada.  All  the  World  is  acquainted  with  the 
Merit  and  Vertue  of  that  Noble  Perfon :  It  is  likewife  well 
known,  how  ancient  that  Family  is  from  which  he  is  de- 
fcended,  and  what  a  glorious  Train  of  Illuftrious  Anceftors 
went  before  him,  who  were  always  thought  worthy  of  the 
moft  weighty  Employments  both  Civil  and  Military !  His 
Family  was  always  inviolably  firm  to  the  Interefts  of  their 
Sovereign,  even  in  the  moft  perplex'd  Times :  Nay,  I  may  fay 
upon  this  occafion,  without  giving  Offence  to  the  other  Gov- 
ernours  of  Canada,  that  have  either  preceded,  or  are  to  fuc- 
ceed  him.  That  this  Country  was  never  govern'd  with  fo 
much  Wifdom,  Moderation,  and  Equity,  as  by  the  Count  de 
Frontenac. 

1  know  very  well,  that  thofe  Men  who  afpire  to  be  Maf- 
ters  over  all,  have  endeavour'd  to  blacken  his  Reputation,  to 


52  A  New  Difcovery  of 

eclipfe  his  Glory,  and  render  him  fufpedled.  But  I  am  bound 
to  fay,  to  the  Praife  of  that  Illuftrious  Nobleman,  That  for  all 
the  Ten  Years  he  liv'd  in  that  Country,  he  was  a  Father  to  the 
Poor;  a  Protestor  to  thofe  that  were  in  danger  of  being  op- 
prefs'd ;  nay,  in  fhort,  his  Converfation  was  a  perfect  Model 
of  Vertue  and  Piety.  Thofe  of  his  Countrymen  who  were 
ftirr'd  up  againft  him,  by  an  EflFedt  of  their  natural  Levity 
and  Ficklenefs,  had  the  Mortification  to  fee  him  re-eftablifh'd 
in  that  very  fame  Government,  of  which  their  Calumnies  and 
malignant  Intrigues  had  endeavour'd  to  difpoffefs  him.  They 
had  engag'd  the  Intendant  of  Chefneau  in  the  fame  Combina- 
tion, having  over-reach'd  him  by  their  cunning  Artifices. 
Yet  notwithftanding  all  thefe  unjuft  Cenfures,  I  came  to 
underfland  of  late,  that  they  regret  much  the  want  of  that 
Illuftrious  Count,^ 

[23]  It  was  therefore  in  Honour  of  this  Worthy  Count, 
that  they  gave  to  the  Lake  the  Name  of  Frontcnac^  in  order 
to  perpetuate  his  Memory  in  that  Country.  This  Lake  is 
Eighty  Leagues  long,  and  Twenty  five  Leagues  broad :    It 

1  Louis  de  Buade,  count  de  Frontenac,  was  probably  the  ablest  and  most  dis- 
tinguished, except  Champlain,  among  the  governors  of  New  France.  Appointed 
in  1672,  he  governed  the  colony  with  great  ability,  and  kept  the  Iroquois  tribes  in 
awe  ;  but  his  fiery  temper  and  headstrong  will  so  involved  him  in  quarrels  with  both 
civil  and  ecclesiastical  authorities,  and  with  the  fur-traders,  that  Louis  XIV,  losing 
patience,  recalled  him  in  1682.  The  inefficiency  of  his  successors  made  it  necessary 
to  send  him  back  to  Canada  (1689),  which  he  saved  from  what  seemed  imminent 
destruction.  In  1696,  he  led  in  person  an  expedition  into  the  Iroquois  country,  effect- 
ually breaking  the  power  of  that  ferocious  people.  Frontenac  died  on  Nov.  28,  1698, 
regretted  by  the  people.  Although  hostile  to  the  Jesuits,  and  little  inclined  toward 
the  diocesan  authorities  at  Quebec,  he  had  always  favored  and  aided  the  RecoUets  ; 
hence  Hennepin's  somewhat  extravagant  laudation. 

Jacques  Duchesneau  was  intendant  of  Canada  from  1675  to  1682. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  53 

abounds  with  Flflies,  is  deep,  and  navigable  all  over.  The 
Five  Cantons,  or  Diftri6ls,  of  the  Iroquefe^  do  inhabit  for  the 
moft  part  the  South-fide  of  this  Lake,  ijiz.  the  Ganniegez^  or 
Agniez  (the  nigheft  Neighbours  to  New-Holland^  or  New-York) 
the  Onnontagues,  or  thofe  who  live  in  the  Mountains,  who  are 
the  moft  Warlike  People  of  all  that  Nation;  the  Onneioiits  and 
Tfonnontouans  the  moft  populous  of  them  all.  There  are  like- 
wife  on  the  South-fide^  of  the  Lake,  thefe  Iroqueje  Villages, 
viz.  Tejajagon,  Kente',  and  Ganneoujfe,  which  is  not  diftant  from 
Frontenac  above  Nine  Leagues. 

The  great  River  of  St.  Laurence  derives  its  Source  from 
the  Lake  Ontario^  which  is  likewife  call'd  in  the  Iroqtiefe  Lan- 
guage, Skanadario ;  that  is  to  fay,  a  very  pretty  Lake.  It 
fprings  likewife  partly  from  the  Lakes  that  are  higher  up  in 
the  Country,  as  we  fhall  have  occafion  to  obferve  afterwards. 

This  Lake  Ontario  is  of  an  Oval  Figure,  and  extends  it 
felf  from  Eaft  to  Weft.  Its  Water  is  frefh  and  fweet,  and 
very  pleafant  to  drink;  the  Lands  which  border  upon  it  being 
likewife  very  fertile.  It  is  very  navigable,  and  can  .receive 
large  Veffels :  Only  in  Winter  it  is  more  difficult,  becaufe  of 
the  outrageous  Winds  which  are  frequent  there.  From  this 
Lake  one  may  go  by  Barques,  or  by  greater  Veflfels  to  the 
foot  of  a  great  Rock^  that  is  about  two  Leagues  off  the  Fall 
of  the  River  Niagara,  which  I  am  now  to  defcribe. 

^  Evidently  an  oversight  of  Hennepin's  English  translator,  for  these  Cayuga  vil- 
lages were  all  on  the  north  side  of  Lake  Ontario. —  Ed. 

^O.  H.  Marshall  says  (Buffalo  Historical  Society  Publications,  i,  pp.  265,  266): 
"  This  '  great  rock  '  can  still  be  seen  under  the  western  end  of  the  old  Suspension 
bridge,  the  ruins  of  which  now  span  the  river  at  that  point  .  .  .  and  perpetuates  his 
memory  under  the  name  of  '  Hennepin's  Rock.'  " — Ed. 


54  ^  New  Difcovery  of 


[24]        CHAP.    VII. 

A  Defcription  of  the  Fall  of  the  River  Niagara,  that  is  to  be  feen 
betwixt  the  Lake  Ontario  and  that  of  Erie. 

BETWIXT  the  Lake  Ontario  and  Erie^  there  is  a  vafi:  and 
prodigious  Cadence  of  Water  v/hich  falls  down  after  a 
furprizing  and  aftonifhing  manner,  infomuch  that  the  Univerfe 
does  not  afford  its  Parallel.  'Tis  true,  Italy  and  Siiedeland 
boaft  of  fome  fuch  Things  ;  but  we  may  v/ell  fay  they  are  but 
forry  Patterns,  when  compar'd  to  this  of  which  we  now  fpeak. 
At  the  foot  of  this  horrible  Precipice,  we  m.eet  with  the  River 
Niagara^vjhioh.  is  not  above  half  a  quarter  of  a  League  broad, 
but  is  wonderfully  deep  in  fome  places.  It  is  fo  rapid  above 
this  Defcent,  that  it  violently  hurries  down  the  wild  Beafhs 
while  endeavouring  to  pafs  it  to  feed  on  the  other  fide,  they 
not  being  able  to  withftand  the  force  of  its  Current,  which 
inevitably  cafts  them  down  headlong  above  Six  hundred  foot. 
This  wonderful  Downfall  is  compounded  of  two  great 
Crofs-ftreams  of  Water,  and  two  Falls,  v/ith  an  Ifle  floping 
along  the  middle  of  it.^  The  Waters  which  fall  from  this 
vafb  height,  do  foam  and  boil  after  the  moft  hideous  manner 


^  Goat  Island,  with  the  so-called  "  Horseshoe"  and  "  American"  falls. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  55 

Imaginable,  making  an  outrageous  Noife,  more  terrible  than 
that  of  Thunder;  for  when  the  Wind  blows  from  off  the 
South,  their  difmal  roaring  may  be  heard  above  fifteen 
Leagues  off. 

The  River  Niagara  having  thrown  it  felf  down  this  in- 
credible Precipice,  continues  its  impetuous  courfe  for  two 
Leagues  together,  to  the  great  Rock  above-mention'd,  with 
an  inexprefTible  Rapidity:  But  having  pafs'd  that,  its  Im- 
petuofity  relents,  gliding  [25]  along  more  gently  for  two 
Leagues,  till  it  arrives  at  the  Lake  Ontario  or  Frontenac. 

Any  Barque  or  greater  Veffel  may  pafs  from  the  Fort  to 
the  foot  of  this  huge  Rock  above-mention'd.  This  Rock 
lies  to  the  V/eftward,  and  is  cut  off  from  the  Land  by  the 
River  Niagara^  about  two  Leagues  farther  down  than  the 
great  Fall ;  for  which  two  Leagues  the  People  are  oblig'd  to 
carry  their  Goods  over-land  ;  but  the  way  is  very  good,  and 
the  Trees  are  but  fev/,  and  they  chiefly  Firrs  and  Oaks. 

From  the  great  Fall  unto  this  Rock,  which  is  to  the  Weft 
of  the  River,  the  two  Brinks  of  it  are  fo  prodigious  high, 
that  it  would  make  one  tremble  to  look  fteadily  upon  the 
Water,  rolling  along  with  a  Rapidity  not  to  be  imagin'd. 
Were  it  not  for  this  vaft  Catarad:,  which  interrupts  Naviga- 
tion, they  might  fail  with  Barks  or  greater  Veffels,  above 
Four  hundred  and  fifty  Leagues  further,  crofs  the  Lake 
of  Hurons,  and  up  to  the  farther  end  of  the  Lake  Illinois 
[Michigan]  ;  which  two  Lakes  we  may  well  fay  are  little  Seas 
of  frefh  Water. 


56  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Sieur  de  la  Salle  had  a  defign  to  have  built  a  Fort  at  the 
Mouth  of  the  River  Niagara;  and  might  eafily  have  com- 
pafs'd  it,  had  he  known  how  to  have  kept  himfelf  within 
bounds,  and  to  be  confin'd  there  for  one  Year.  His  defign 
was  to  curb  and  keep  under  the  Iroquefe^  and  efpecially  the 
T/onnontouans,  who  are  the  moft  numerous  People,  and  the 
moft  given  to  War  of  all  that  Nation.  In  fhort,  fuch  a  Fort 
as  this  might  eafily  have  interrupted  the  Commerce  betwixt 
thefe  People  and  the  EngUfli  and  Dutch  in  New-York.  Their 
cuftom  is  to  carry  to  New-York  the  Skins  of  Elks,  Beavers, 
and  feveral  forts  of  Beafts,  which  they  hunt  and  feek  after 
fome  2  or  300  Leagues  from  their  own  home.  Now  they 
being  oblig'd  to  pafs  and  repafs  near  to  this  Mouth  of  the 
River  Niagara^  we  might  eafily  fi:op  them  by  fair  means  in 
time  of  [26]  Peace,  or  by  open  force  in  time  of  War ;  and 
thus  oblige  them  to  turn  their  Commerce  upon  Canada. 

But  having  obferv'd  that  the  Iroquefe  were  pufh'd  on  to 
ftop  the  Execution  of  this  Defign,  not  fo  much  by  the  EngliJJi 
and  Dutch ^  as  by  the  Inhabitants  of  Canada^  who  many  of 
them  endeavour'd  by  all  means  to  traverfe  this  our  Difcovery; 
they  contented  themfelves  to  build  a  Houfe  at  the  Mouth  of 
the  River  to  the  Eaftward,  where  the  Place  was  naturally 
fortifi'd.^  On  one  fide  of  this  Houfe  there  is  a  very  good 
Haven,  where  Ships  may  fafely  ride ;  nay,  by  the  help  of  a 
Capftane,  they  may  eafily  be  hall'd  upon  Land.     Befides,  at 


^  La  Salle  built  (1679)  ^  blockhouse  on  the  point  of  land  at  the  eastern  angle  be- 
tween Lake  Ontario  and  the  Niagara  River.  Various  fortifications  have  since  occupied 
this  site,  at  present  that  of  Fort  Niagara. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  57 

this  Place  they  take  an  infinite  quantity  of  Whitings,  Stur- 
geons, and  all  other  forts  of  Fifhes,  which  are  incomparably 
good  and  fweet ;  infomuch,  that  in  the  proper  Seafon  of  Fifh- 
ing,  they  might  furnifh  the  greateft  City  in  Europe  with  plenty 
of  Filh. 


5  8  A  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    VIII. 

A  Defcription  of  the  Lake  Erie. 

THE  Iroquefe  give  to  this  Lake  the  Name  of  EriS  Tejo- 
charontiongy  which  extends  it  felf  from  Eaft  to  Weft 
perhaps  a  hundred  and  forty  Leagues  in  Length.  But  no 
European  has  ever  furvey'd  it  all;  only  I  and  thofe  who  ac- 
company'd  me  in  this  Difcovery,  have  view'd  the  greater  Part 
of  it,  with  a  Veffel  of  Sixty  Tun  burden,  which  we  caus'd  to 
be  made  on  purpofe,  about  two  Leagues  above  the  fore- 
mention'd  Fall  of  Niagara,  as  I  fhall  have  occafion  to  obferve 
more  largely  hereafter. 

This  Lake  Erie,  or  Tejocharontiong,  enclofes  on  its  Southern 
Bank  a  Tra6l  of  Land  as  large  as  the  Kingdom  of  France. 
It  divides  it  felf  at  a  certain  place  into  two  Channels,  be- 
caufe  of  a  great  Ifland  enclos'd  betwixt  them^:  Thus  con- 
tinuing its  courfe  for  fourteen  [27]  Leagues,  it  falls  into  the 
Lake  Ontario,  or  Frontenac,  and  this  is  that  which  they  call  the 
River  Niagara. 

Betwixt  the  Lake  Erie  and  Huron,  there  Is  almoft  fuch 
another  Streight  thirty  Leagues  long,^  which  is  of  an  equal 


^  Grand  Island  ;  the  two  divisions  of  the  river  are  known  as  Chippewa  and  Tona- 
vvanda  channels. — Ed. 

2  Detroit  and  St.  Clair  Rivers. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  59 

breadth  almoil  all  over,  except  in  the  middle,  that  it  en- 
larges it  felf  by  help  of  another  Lake,  far  lefs  than  any 
of  the  reft,  which  is  of  a  circular  Form  about  fix  Leagues 
over,  according  to  the  Obfervation  of  our  Pilot.  We  gave  it 
the  Name  of  Lake  St.  Claire^  though  the  Iroquefe,  who  pafs 
over  it  frequently  when  they  are  upon  Warlike  Expeditions, 
call  it  Otfi  Keta.  The  Country  which  borders  upon  this  moft 
agreeable  and  charming  Streight,  is  a  pleafant  Champagne 
Country,  as  I  fliall  relate  afterwards.  All  thefe  different 
Rivers,  which  are  diftinguifh'd  by  fo  many  different  Names, 
are  nothing  elfe  but  the  Continuation  of  the  great  River  St. 
Laurence;  and  this  Lake  St.  Claire  is  form'd  by  the  fame. 


6o  A  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    IX. 

A  Defcription  of  the  Lake  Huron. 

THE  Lake  Huron  was  fo  call'd  by  the  People  of  Canada, 
becaufe  the  Savage  Hurons,  who  inhabited  the  adjacent 
Country,  us'd  to  have  their  Hair  fo  burn'd,  that  their  Head 
refembled  the  Head  of  a  Wild  Boar.^  The  Savages  them- 
felves  call  it  the  Lake  Karegnondy.  Heretofore  the  Hurons 
liv'd  near  this  Lake,  but  they  have  been  in  a  great  meafure 
deftroy'd  by  the  Iroquefe.^ 

The  Circumference  of  this  Lake  may  be  reckon'd  to  be 
about  Seven  hundred  Leagues,  and  its  Length  Two  hundred  ; 
but  the  Breadth  is  very  unequal.  To  the  Weft  of  it  near  its 
Mouth,  it  contains  feveral  great  Iflands,  and  is  navigable  all 
over.  Betwixt  this  Lake  and  that  of  the  Hlinois,  we  meet 
with  another  [28]  Streight,  which  difcharges  it  felf  into  this 
Lake,  being  about  Three  Leagues  long,  and  One  broad,  its 
Courfe  running  Weft-North- Weft.^ 

There  is  yet  another  Streight  or  narrow  Canal  towards 

^When  first  encountered  by  the  French,  these  savages  so  dressed  their  hair  that 
it  formed  one  or  more  ridges  upon  the  head,  suggesting  the  bristles  of  a  wild  boar 
(Fr.  hure).     See  Jes.  Relations,  xvi,  pp.  229,  231  ;  xxxviii,  249. —  Ed. 

2  In  1649-50  the  Huron  tribes,  then  living  in  the  peninsula  between  Lake  Simcoe 
and  Georgian  Bay,  were  attacked  and  nearly  destroyed  by  the  Iroquois.  The  rem- 
nants of  the  Hurons  then  dispersed,  taking  refuge,  some  at  Quebec,  some  among 
friendly  Algonquian  tribes,  and  others  along  Lake  Huron. —  Ed. 

3  The  Strait  of  Mackinac— Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  6i 

the  upper  Lake  (that  runs  into  this  of  Huron)  about  Five 
Leagues  broad,  and  Fifteen  Leagues  long,  which  is  inter- 
rupted by  feveral  Iflands,  and  becomes  narrower  by  degrees, 
till  it  comes  at  the  Fall  of  St.  Mary.  This  Fall  is  a  Precipice 
full  of  Rocks,  over  which  the  Water  of  the  upper  Lake, 
which  flows  thither  in  great  abundance,  cafts  it  felf  with  a 
moft  violent  Impetuofity:  Notwithftanding  which,  a  Canou 
may  go  up  it  on  one  fide,  provided  the  People  in  it  row  vig- 
oroufly.^  But  the  fafer  way  is  to  carry  the  Canou  over-land 
for  fo  little  a  fpace,  together  with  the  Commodities  that  thofe 
of  Canada  carry  thither  to  exchange  with  the  Savages  that  live 
to  the  Northward  of  the  upper  Lake.  This  Fall  is  call'd  the 
Fall  of  St.  Mary  Mijfilimakinak.  It  lies  at  the  Mouth  of  the 
upper  Lake,  and  difcharges  it  felf  partly  into  the  Mouth  of 
the  Lake  Illinois  towards  the  great  Bay  of  Puans^;  all  which 
fhall  afterwards  be  more  fully  difcours'd  of,  when  I  come  to 
relate  our  Return  from  IJfati. 


^The  St.  Mary's  River;  and  the  rapids  therein,  at  the  present  city  of  Sault  Ste. 
Marie,  Mich. —  Ed. 

2  A  name  applied  to  Green  Bay,  on  the  western  side  of  Lake  Michigan.  See 
Thwaites's  Father  Marquette  {N.  Y.,  1902),  pp.  146-148,  for  origin  and  explanation 
of  the  term. — Ed. 


62  A  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    X. 

A  Defcription  of  the  Lake  calfd  by  the  Savages  Illinouack,  and 
by  the  French,  Illinois. 

THE  Lake  Illinois^  in  the  Natives  Language,  fignifies  The 
Lake  of  Men ;  for  the  word  Illinois  fignifies  a  Man  of 
full  Age  in  the  vigour  of  his  Years.  It  lies  on  the  Weft  of  the 
Lake  Huron,  ftanding  North  and  South,  and  is  about  a  Hun- 
dred and  twenty,  or  a  Hundred  and  thirty  Leagues  in  Length, 
and  Forty  in  Breadth,  being  in  Circuit  about  Four  hundred 
[29]  Leagues.  It  is  call'd  by  the  Miami's,  Mifchigonong,  that 
is,  The  Great  Lake.  It  extends  it  felf  from  North  to  South, 
and  falls  into  the  Southern-fide  of  the  Lake  Huron  ;  and  is  dif- 
tant  from  the  upper  Lake  about  Fifteen  or  Sixteen  Leagues, 
its  Source  lies  near  a  River  which  the  h'oquefe  call  Hohio,  where 
the  River  Miamis  difcharges  it  felf  into  the  fame  Lake. 

It  is  navigable  all  over,  and  has  to  the  Weftward  a  great 
Bay  call'd  the  Bay  of  Puans,  by  reafon  that  the  Savages  who 
now  inhabit  the  Land  furrounding  this  Bay,  had  deferted 
their  former  Habitation,  becaufe  of  fome  ftinking  (in  French 
Puans)  Waters  towards  the  Sea  that  annoy'd  them. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  63 


CHAP.    XL 

A  fhort  Defcription  of  the  Upper  Lake. 

THIS  Upper  Lake  runs  from  Eaft  to  Weft,  and  may- 
have  more  than  a  Hundred  and  fifty  Leagues  in  length, 
Sixty  in  breadth,  and  Fiv^e  hundred  in  circuit.  We  never 
went  quite  over  it,  as  we  did  over  all  the  others  I've  hitherto 
niention'd ;  but  yjQ  founded  fome  of  its  greateft  Depths,  and 
it  refembles  the  Ocean,  having  neither  Bottom  nor  Banks. 

I  fhall  not  here  ftay  to  mention  the  infinite  numbers  of 
Rivers  that  difcharge  themfelves  into  this  prodigious  Lake, 
which  together  with  that  of  Illinois^  and  the  Rivers  that  are 
fwallow'd  in  them,  make  up  the  Source  of  that  great  River 
St.  Laurence^  which  runs  into  the  Ocean  at  the  Ifland  of 
Jffumption^  towards  New-found-land.  We  fail'd  upon  this 
River  about  Six  hundred  Leagues  from  its  Mouth  to  its 
Source. 

I've  already  obferv'd,  That  all  thefe  Lakes  may  well  be 
call'd  Frefli-water  Seas.  They  abound  extreamly  [30]  in 
Whitings,  that  are  larger  than  Carps,  and  which  are  extraor- 
dinary good ;  nay,  at  Twenty  or  Thirty  Fathom  Water, 
there    are    Salmon-Trouts    taken   of   Fifty    or    Sixty   pound 


^  The  name  applied  by  Jacques  Cartier  to  the  large  island  at  the  mouth  of  the 
St.  Lawrence  now  known  as  Anticosti. —  Ed. 


64  A  New  Difcovery  of 

weight.  It  were  eafie  to  build  on  the  fides  of  thefe  great 
Lakes,  an  infinite  Number  of  confiderable  Towns,  which 
might  have  Communication  one  with  another  by  Navigation 
for  Five  hundred  Leagues  together,  and  by  an  inconceivable 
Commerce  v/hich  would  eftablifh  it  felf  among  'em.  And  to 
be  fure,  the  Soil,  if  cultivated  by  Europeans^  would  prove  very 
fertile.  Thofe  that  can  conceive  the  Largenefs  and  Beauty 
of  thefe  Lakes,  may  eafily  underftand,  by  the  help  of  our 
Map,  what  courfe  we  fteer'd  in  making  the  great  Difcovery 
hereafter  mention'd. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  65 


CHAP.    XII. 

What  is  the  Predominant  Genius  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Canada. 

THE  Spaniards  were  the  firft  who  difcover'd  Canada  ;  but 
at  their  firft  arrival,  having  found  nothing  confiderable 
in  it,  they  abandon'd  the  Country,  and  call'd  it  //  Capo  di 
Nada;  that  is,  A  Cape  of  Nothing;  hence  by  corruption 
fprung  the  Word  Canada,  which  we  ufe  in  all  our  Maps.^ 

Since  I  left  that  Country,  I  underftand  that  all  things 
continue  very  near  in  the  fame  State  as  they  were  whilft  I 
refided  there.  Thofe  who  have  the  Government  of  Canada 
committed  to  their  Care,  are  mov'd  with  fuch  a  malignant 
Spirit,  as  obliges  all  who  do  not  approve  their  Defign,  to 
moan  fecretly  before  God.  Men  of  Probity  that  are  zealous 
for  Religion,  find  nothing  there  of  what  they  expelled ;  but, 
on  the  contrary,  fuch  Repulfes  and  ill  Ufage,  that  no  body 
could  have  forefeen.  Several  refort  [31]  thither,  with  a 
defign  to  Sacrifice  their  Repofe  and  Life,  to  the  Temporal 
and  Spiritual  Succour  of  an  Infant-Church ;  but  the  lofs  of 
Reputation  and  Honour,  are  the  Sacrifices  they're  after  all 
forc'd  to  make.     Others  go  thither  in  the  hopes  of  fpending 


^  The  name  Canada  is  of  Iroquois  origin  ;  most  historical  writers  regard  it  as 
meaning  "village,"  but  some  think  that  it  means  "  lake."  SeeJes.  Relations,  ii, 
p.  301. —  Ed. 


66  A  New  Difcovery  of 

their  Lives  in  Peace  and  perfedt  Concord ;  whereas  they  meet 
with  nothing  but  Jarrs,  Divifions,  and  a  Sea  of  Troubles.  In 
lieu  of  their  fair  Hopes,  they  reap  nothing  but  Croffes  and 
Perfecution ;  and  all  for  not  pleafing  the  Humours  of  Two 
or  Three  Men,  who  are  the  over-ruling  Wits  of  that  Country. 
What  a  vaft  difparity  diftance  there  is  betwixt  the  Humor  of 
thefe  Men,  and  our  Flemi/h  Sincerity  I  I  mean  that  Candour 
and  Evennefs  of  Mind  which  make  up  the  true  Character  of 
a  Chriftian,  and  is  obferv'd  every  where  elfe. 

But  without  entring  farther  into  any  Particulars,  I  leave 
the  Judgment  of  all  unto  God ;  and  fhall  only  fay,  that  we 
who  are  Flemings  by  Birth,  went  to  Canada  without  any  other 
private  Defign,  having  renounc'd  our  Native  Country,  meerly 
for  the  Service  of  our  Religion,  after  having  quitted  all 
other  Enjoyments  for  embracing  a  Religious  Profeflion.  And 
therefore  it  was  not  a  fmall  Surprize  to  us,  upon  our  arrival 
in  that  Country,  to  fee  our  Sincerity  and  Uprightnefs  of 
Heart  fo  forrily  entertain'd.  There  is  a  certain  fort  of  Peo- 
ple, who  are  jealous  of  every  thing,  and  whom  it  is  impoflible 
to  retrieve  from  under  the  firft  impreflions  they've  receiv'd. 
Though  a  Man  were  never  fo  complaifant,  yet  if  he  be  not 
altogether  of  their  Stamp,  or  if  he  endeavours  to  reprefent 
Things  fairly  and  rationally  unto  them,  tho'  with  wife  and 
foft  Remonftrances,  yet  fhall  he  pafs  among  'em  for  a  Fellow 
of  a  turbulent  Spirit.  Such  Condudt  as  this,  does  not  favour 
of  Chriftianity,  neither  doth  it  befpeak  any  other  Profped 
than  that  of  temporal  Intereft.  This  Confideration  mov'd 
me  oft-times  to  fay  to  the  Three  Flemi/h  Monks  I  had  [32] 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  6y 

brought  to  Canada  with  me,  that  it  had  been  much  better 
for  us  who  had  quitted  all  our  Enjoyments,  and  exchang'd 
them  for  the  Poverty  of  a  Monaftick  Life,  to  have  gone  in 
MifTion  among  Strangers,  to  preach  Repentance  to  Infidels, 
and  propagate  the  Kingdom  of  our  Saviour  among  barbar- 
ous Nations. 

And  indeed  kind  Providence  feconded  my  good  Inten- 
tions;  for  the  Reverend  Father  Germain  Allart'^  Recollet,  late 
Bifhop  of  Fence  in  Provence^  fent  me  Orders  to  undertake 
the  Difcovery  which  I  am  about  to  relate. 


^This  priest  was  superior  of  the  first  party  of  Recollets  who  came  to  Canada  in 
1670. —  Ed. 


68  A  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    XIII. 

A  Defcription  of  my  first  Imbarkment  in  a  Canow  at  Quebec,  the 
Capital  City  of  Canada,  being  bound  for  the  South -Wejl  of 
New-France,  or  Canada. 

IREMAIN'D  Two  Years  and  a  half  at  Fort  Frontenac,  till  I 
faw  the  Houfe  of  Mijfion  finlfh'd,  that  Father  Luke  Buiffet 
and  I  had  caus'd  to  be  built  there.  This  engag'd  us  in 
Travels,  which  infeparably  attend  New  Eftablifhments.  Ac- 
cordingly we  went  in  a  Canou  down  the  River  St.  Laurence ; 
and  after  a  Hundred  and  twenty  Leagues  failing,  arriv'd  at 
Quebec^  where  I  retir'd  into  the  Recollets  Convent  of  St.  Adary, 
m  order  to  prepare  and  fan6tifie  my  felf  for  commencing  our 
Difcovery. 

And  indeed  I  muft  frankly  own,  that  when  at  the  foot 
of  the  Crofs  I  penfively  confider'd  this  important  Mifiion, 
weighing  it  in  the  Scales  of  Humane  Reafon,  and  meafuring 
the  weight  of  its  Difficulties  by  Humane  Force,  it  feem'd 
altogether  a  terrible,  as  well  as  a  rafh  and  inconfiderate 
Attempt.  But  when  I  look'd  up  to  GOD,  and  view'd  it  as 
an  effedl  of  his  Goodnefs,  in  chufing  me  for  fo  great  a  Work, 
and  as  his  Commandment  diredted  [33]  to  me  by  the  Mouth 
of  my  Superiours,  Vv'ho  are  the  Inftruments  and  Interpreters 
of  his  Will  unto  me  :  Thefe  Thoughts,  I  fay,  prefently  infpir'd 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  69 

me  with  Courage -and  Refolution  to  undertake  this  Difcovery, 
with  all  the  Fidelity  and  Conftancy  imaginable. 

I  perfuaded  my  felf,  that  fince  it  was  the  peculiar  Work 
of  God,  to  open  the  hard  Hearts  of  that  barbarous  People, 
to  whom  I  was  fent  to  publifh  the  glad  Tidings  of  his  Gof- 
pel,  it  were  as  eafie  for  him  to  compafs  it  by  a  feeble  Inftru- 
ment,  fuch  as  I  was,  as  by  the  moft  worthy  Perfon  in  the 
World. 

Having  thus  prepar'd  my  felf  to  enter  upon  the  difcharge 
of  my  MiJJion,  and  feeing  that  thofe  who  were  expeded  from 
Europe  to  bear  part  in  this  Difcovery,  were  now  arriv'd;  that 
the  Pilote,  Seamen,  and  Ship-Carpenters  were  in  readinefs, 
and  that  the  Arms,  Goods,  and  Rigging  for  the  Ships  were 
all  at  hand ;  I  took  with  me  from  our  Convent  a  portable 
Chapel  all  compleat  for  my  felf,  and  afterwards  went  and 
receiv'd  the  Benediction  of  the  Bifhop  of  Quebec,  together 
with  his  Approbation  in  Writing ;  which  I  likewife  receiv'd  of 
Count  Frontenac,  who  was  a  Man  that  teftify'd  a  great  deal 
of  Affedion  for  our  Flemi/h  Recolleds,  becaufe  of  our  Can- 
dour and  Ingenuity ;  and  who  was  pleas'd  to  give  publick 
Teftimonie  to  the  Generofity  of  my  Undertaking,  while  we 
were  fet  at  Table. 

In  fhort,  I  embark'd  in  a  little  Canou  made  of  the  Barks 
of  Birch-Trees,  carrying  nothing  along  with  me  fave  my 
portable  Chapel,  one  Blanket,  and  a  Matt  of  Rufhes,  which 
was  to  ferve  me  for  Bed  and  Quilt ;  and  this  was  the  whole 
of  my  Equipage.  It  was  concerted  fo,  that  I  fhould  go  off 
firft,  that  my  Departure  might  oblige  the  reft  to  expedite 


70  A  New  Difcovery  of 

their  Affairs  with  fpeed.  The  Inhabitants  of  Canada^  upon 
both  fides  the  River  of  St.  Laurence^  betwixt  Quebec  and  Mon- 
treal, entreated  me  to  officiate  among  [34]  them,  and  admin- 
ifl:er  the  Sacraments :  For  they  could  not  afTift  at  Divine 
Service  oftner  than  five  or  fix  times  a  Year,  becaufe  there 
were  only  Four  Miffionaries  in  that  Country  for  the  extent  of 
Fifty  Leagues. 

I  baptiz'd  a  Child  at  a  certain  Place  call'd  5^.  Hour,^  and 
acquainted  the  abfent  MifTionary  of  the  Place  with  the  fame ; 
which  done,  I  continu'd  my  Voyage ;  and  as  I  pafs'd  by 
Harpentinie,  the  Lord  of  the  Place  of  one  of  the  ancienteft 
Families  in  Canada,^  would  have  fent  one  of  his  Sons  along 
with  me ;  but  the  Canou  was  too  narrow  for  Four  Perfons. 
At  length  I  arriv'd  at  Trois  Rivieres,  which  is  a  Town  only  fur- 
rounded  with  Palifado's,  lying  about  Thirty  Leagues  higher 
than  Quebec.  Not  meeting  there  Father  Sixte,^  a  Recollet- 
MifTionary,  who  was  gone  from  thence  in  Miffion,  the  In- 
habitants befeech'd  me  to  preach  and  perform  Divine  Service 
on  the  Firft  of  O^ober.  The  next  day,  the  Sieur  Bonivet, 
Lieutenant-General  Jufticiary  of  that  Place,  convey'd  me  a 
League  up  the  River  St.  Laurence. 

The  moft  laudable  Enterprizes  are  oft-times  retarded  by 
furprizing  and  unexpeded  Obftacles ;  for  when  I  arriv'd  at 
Montreal,  they  debauch'd   and  entic'd   away  my  Two   Boat- 


^  St.  Ours,  a  small  town  in  Richelieu  county,  Que. —  Ed. 

2  A  variant  of  Repentigny,  now  the  name  of  a  village  17  miles  N.  E.  of  Montreal. 
The  name  was  bestowed  by  its  founder,  Pierre  le  Gardeur,  sieur  de  Repentigny,  one 
of  the  earliest  colonists  of  Canada  (1636). —  Ed, 

^  Sixte  le  Tac. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  71 

Men ;  fo  that  I  was  forc'd  to  take  advantage  of  an  offer 
which  two  other  Men  made  to  condudl  me  along  in  their 
little  fhatter'd  Boat.  Thus  was  it  that  thofe  who  envy'd  the 
Succefs  of  my  Undertaking,  began  to  fet  themfelves  in  oppo- 
fition  to  it,  and  endeavour'd  to  hinder  the  moft  confiderable 
and  famous  Difcovery  that  has  been  made  in  that  New  World 
in  this  Age. 

In  going  up  the  River,  as  I  pafs'd  the  Lake  of  St.  Louis,  a 
little  above  the  Ifle  of  Montreal,  which  is  about  Twenty  five 
Leagues  in  circumference,  I  obferv'd  that  this  River  St. 
Laurence  divides  it  felf  into  Two  Branches ;  of  which  one 
leads  to  the  ancient  Country  of  the  Hurons,  the  Outaoua5ls, 
[35]  and  feveral  other  Nations  fituate  to  the  Northward^; 
and  the  other  to  the  Country  of  the  Iroquefe.  We  went  up 
this  laft  for  about  Sixty  Leagues,  in  moft  rapid  and  horrible 
Currents,  full  of  great  Rocks,  where  the  Water  roars  Night 
and  Day  like  Thunder,  for  Three  or  Four  Leagues  together. 
All  which  does  not  hinder  the  Boat-Men  and  their  Canou's 
to  defcend  down  among  thefe  huge  Rocks  with  fo  much 
fwiftnefs,  that  thofe  who  are  in  the  Canou  are  for  the  time 
quite  blinded.  They  generally  carry  Elks-Claws  and  Skins 
with  them,  which  they  exchange  for  other  Goods,  with  the 
Savages  of  that  Country. 

I  fhall  not  offer  to  give  any  circumftantial  Account  of  the 
Accidents  that  befel  me,  which  are  infeparable  Companions 
of  all  great  Voyages :   What  is  needful  to  be  faid  is.  That  I 


1  A  reference  to  the  Ottawa  River,  which  was  by  early  travelers  and  writers  often 
regarded  as  a  principal  fork,  rather  than  a  tributary,  of  the  St.  Lawrence. —  Ed. 


72  A  New  Difcovery  of 

arriv'd  at  Fort  Catarokouy,  or  Frontenac^  about  Eleven  a  Clock 
at  Night,  the  next  Day  after  All-Saints;  where  our  Recollet- 
Fathers,  Gabriel  de  la  Ribourde,  and  Luke  Bnijfet^  Miffionaries, 
receiv'd  me  with  all  Expreffions  of  Joy  into  our  Houfe  of 
Miffion,  which  we  had  caus'd  to  be  built  the  Year  before, 
upon  the  brink  of  the  Lake  Ontario,  near  to  Fort  Frontenac. 
This  Fort  lies  about  forty  four  Degrees  and  fome  Minutes 
of  Northern  Latitude. 

I  had  forgot  to  acquaint  you,  that  this  Lake  Ontario  is 
form'd  by  the  River  St.  Laurence,  and  that  it  is  deep  enough 
for  large  Veffels ;  for  at  feventy  Fathom  we  could  difcern  no 
Ground.  The  Waves  there  are  tofs'd  by  mighty  Winds  which 
are  very  frequent ;  and  their  Surges  are  full  as  high  as  thofe 
of  the  Sea,  but  much  more  dangerous ;  for  they  are  fhorter 
and  fleeper  ;  fo  that  a  Veffel  riding  along  cannot  yield  and 
keep  touch  with  'em.  There  are  likewife  fome  very  plain 
appearances  of  a  Flux  and  Reflux;  for  they  obferve  the  Water 
to  flow  and  ebb  [36]  by  little  Tides,  and  that  it  flows  oft- 
times  againft  the  Wind  when  very  high. 

The  Fifhing  of  this  Lake,  as  of  all  the  other  Lakes 
before-mention'd,  is  very  confiderable  for  all  manner  of  ex- 
cellent Fifhes,  efpecially  for  Salmon-Trouts,  which  are  there 
much  bigger  than  our  biggefl:  Salmons.  The  adjacent  Coun- 
try is  very  fertile,  as  is  conflrm'd  by  the  Experience  of 
thofe  who  cultivated  it  in  feveral  places.  There  is  excellent 
Game  there  for  all  forts  of  Wild  Beafl:s  and  Wild  Fowl : 
Their  Forefl:s  are  replenifli'd  with  the  prettieft  Trees  in  the 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  73 

World,  Pines,  Cedars,  and  Epinetes^^  (a  fort  of  Firr-tree  very 
common  in  that  Country.)  They  have  likewife  very  good 
Iron-Mines ;  and  no  doubt  but  other  Metals  might  be  found 
if  fought  after. 

While  I  abode  at  Catarokoiiy^  waiting  the  coming  up  of 
the  reft  of  our  Company,  I  had  time  to  confer  with  the  Rev- 
erend Fathers  of  our  Order,  concerning  what  Meafures  we 
were  to  take  for  converting  unto  Chrifh  Jefus,  fuch  a  numer- 
ous Train  of  Nations  that  had  never  heard  of  the  Gofpel ; 
for  it  is  certain,  that  fuch  poor  helplefs  Priells  as  we  of  the 
Francifcan  Order,  deftitute  of  all  temporal  Enjoyments,  and 
cut  off  from  all  Humane  Means  and  AfTiftance,  cannot  be  too 
cautious  in  managing  the  Concerns  of  fo  important  a  Million, 
becaufe  of  the  infinite  variety  of  the  Tempers  of  thofe  that 
were  to  accompany  us  in  this  Voyage;  for  we  had  in  com- 
pany fome  Flemings^  fome  Italians,  and  fome  Normans,  who 
were  all  of  different  Tnterefts ;  and  it  was  a  very  difficult 
Task  for  us  to  comply  with,  and  pleafe  fo  many  different 
Humours;  efpecially  when  engag'd  in  fuch  a  Voyage  as  this, 
in  which  Laws  could  not  be  obferv'd  with  the  fame  Exadnefs, 
or  retain  the  fame  Rigour  as  in  Europe,  where  Men  may  be 
entic'd  to  Good,  and  fcar'd  from  Evil,  by  the  Love  of  Re- 
wards or  fear  of  Punifhment.  But  I  refign'd  my  felf  wholly 
to  the  Exercife  of  [37]  my  Duty,  leaving  the  Condudt  of  all 


^  The  popular  name  of  the  hemlock  spruce  {Abies  Canadensis);  its  leaves  and 
bark  were  often  used  as  medicine  by  the  early  colonists,  and  the  Indians  used  the  bark 
to  cover  their  cabins. —  Ed. 


74  A  New  Difcovery  of 

unto  God's  Providence,  and  being  ready  to  encounter  what- 
ever Accidents  might  fall  in  my  way. 

The  Iroquefe  whom  we  had  brought  to  fettle  near  this 
Fort  (as  was  above  related)  came  oft-times  to  vifit  us,  and 
made  us  Prefents  of  the  Flefh  of  Elks,  and  Roe-bucks ;  in 
lieu  of  which  we  gave  'em  little  Knives  and  fome  Tobacco, 
which  we  had  for  that  purpofe.  Thefe  Savages,  when  they 
refleded  upon  our  defigned  Voyage,  us'd  to  clap  their  Four 
Fingers  on  their  Mouths  (as  they  generally  do  when  touch'd 
with  the  Admiration  of  any  thing  they  cannot  comprehend) 
and  cry'd  aloud,  Otchitagon,  Gannoron!  that  is,  Bare-Feet^  what 
ye  are  about  to  undertake^  is  of  great  Importance :  And  added, 
that  their  moft  valiant  Adventurers  had  much  ado  to  extri- 
cate themfelves  out  of  the  hands  of  thofe  barbarous  Nations 
we  were  going  to  vifit.  It  is  certain,  that  the  Iroquefe  had  a 
moft  tender  Refped  for  the  Francifcan  Monks,  having  obferv'd 
them  to  live  all  in  common,  without  referving  any  particular 
PoffefHons. 

The  Food  of  the  Iroquefe  is  in  common  among  'em.  The 
ancienteft  Women  in  the  Houfe  diftribute  about  to  the  other 
Perfons  in  the  Family  according  to  their  Seniority.  When 
they  fit  at  their  Meals,  they  give  freely  to  eat  unto  all  that 
come  into  their  Houfes ;  for  they  would  rather  chufe  to  faft 
for  a  whole  Day,  than  fuflFer  any  one  to  go  from  their  Houfes, 
without  offering  them  a  fhare  of  whatever  they  had. 

The  Sieur  de  la  Salle  arriv'd  at  the  Fort  fome  time  after 
me:  God  preferv'd  him  (as  he  did  me)  from  the  infinite 
Dangers   he  was   expos'd  to  in   this   great  Voyage   betwixt 


a  Large  Country  hi  America.  75 

Quebec  and  the  Fort,  having  pafs'd  the  great  fall  of  Water 

mention'd  lafl:,  and  feveral  other  moft  rapid  Currents  in  his 

way  thither.     The  fame  Year  he  fent  off  Fifteen  of  our  Boat-      flfOQ 

men,  who  [38J  were  to  go  before  us.     They  made  as  if  they 

had  been  going  in  their  Canou  towards  the  Illinois,  and  the 

other  Neighbouring   Nations   that   border  upon  the  River, 

call'd  by  the  Illinois,  Mefchafipi;  that  is,  a  great  River ;  which 

Name  it  has  in  the  Map.     All  this  was  only  to  fecure  to  us 

a  good  Correfpondence  with  the  Savages,  and  to  prepare  for 

us  in  that  Country  fome  Provifions,  and  other  Neceffaries,  to 

further  this  Difcovery.      But  there  being  among  them  fome 

villainous  Fellows,  they  ftopp'd  in  the  upper  Lake  at  Mijfili- 

makinak,  and  diverted  themfelves  with  the  Savages  that  live 

to  the  Northward  of  that  Lake,  lavifhing  and  fquandering 

away  the  beft  of  the  Commodities  they  had  taken  with  'em, 

inftead  of  providing  fuch  Things  as  were  needful  for  building 

a  Ship,  which  we  greatly  wanted  in  order  to  pafs  from  Lake 

to  Lake  to  the  River  Mefchafipi} 


^  A  reference  to  La  Salle's  first  Western  expedition  (1678-80) ;   Hennepin  accom- 
panied him  as  chaplain.     For  detailed  accounts  of  La  Salle's  explorations,  see  Park- 
man's  La  Salle,  Shea's  Discovery  of  the  Mississippi,  and  Gabriel  Gravier's  Cwvalier   \ 
de  la  Salle  (Paris,  1870). —  Ed. 


76  A  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    XIV. 

A  Dejcription  of  my  fecond  Imbarkment  at  Fort  Frontenack,  in  a 
Brigantine  upon  the  Lake  Ontario  or  Frontenac. 

THAT  very  fame  Year,  on  the  Eighteenth  of  November^ 
I  took  leave  of  our  Monks  at  Fort  Frontenac,  and  after 
mutual  Embraces  and  Exprellions  of  Brotherly  and  Chriftian 
Charity,  I  embark'd  in  a  Brigantine  of  about  ten  Tuns.  The 
Winds  and  the  Cold  of  the  Autumn  were  then  very  violent, 
infomuch  that  our  Crew  was  afraid  to  go  into  fo  little  aVeffel. 
This  oblig'd  us  and  the  Sieur  de  la  Motte  our  Commander,^  to 
keep  our  courfe  on  the  North-fide  of  the  Lake,  to  fhelter  our 
felves  under  the  Coaft,  againft  the  North-weft  Wind,  which 
otherwife  wou'd  have  forc'd  us  upon  the  Southern  Coaft  of 
the  Lake.  This  Voyage  prov'd  very  difficult  [39]  and  dan- 
gerous, becaufe  of  the  unfeafonable  time  of  the  Year,  Winter 
being  near  at  hand; 

On  the  26tb^  we  were  in  great  danger  about  Two  large 
Leagues  off  the  Land,  where  we  were  oblig'd  to  lie  at  an 


^Pierre  de  St.  Paul,  sieur  de  la  Motte-Lussiere,  a  French  military  officer,  was  in 
Canada  from  1665  to  1670,  and  perhaps  longer.  La  Salle,  meeting  him  in  Paris  in 
1678,  made  La  Motte  an  associate  in  his  Western  schemes,  and  placed  him  in  charge 
of  Fort  Frontenac  ;  it  was  he  also  who  built  for  La  Salle  the  blockhouse  at  Niagara. 
Their  association  did  not  apparently  last  long  ;  in  1683  La  Motte  obtained  a  seigniory 
in  Canada,  where  he  spent  the  rest  of  his  life  ;  he  was  slain  by  Iroquois  raiders,  on 
Sept.  22,  1690. —  Ed. 


a  LjCir^e  Country  in  America.  ^"7 

Anchor  all  that  Night  at  fixty  Fathom  Water  and  above ; 
but  at  length  the  Wind  coming  to  the  North-Eaft,  we  fail'd 
on,  and  arriv'd  fafely  at  the  further  end  of  the  Lake  Ontario^ 
call'd  by  the  Iroquefe^  Skannadario.  We  came  pretty  near  to 
one  of  their  Villages  call'd  Tajajagon,  lying  about  Seventy 
Leagues  from  Fort  Frontenac,  or  Catarokouy. 

We  barter'd  fome  Indian  Corn  with  the  Iroquefe,  who 
could  not  fufficiently  admire  us,  and  came  frequently  to  fee 
us  on  board  our  Brigantine,  v/hich  for  our  greater  fecurity, 
v/e  had  brought  to  an  Anchor  into  a  River,^  though  before 
we  could  get  in,  we  run  a  ground  three  times,  which  oblig'd 
us  to  put  Fourteen  Men  into  Canou's,  and  cafl:  the  Balaft  of 
our  Ship  over-board  to  get  her  off  again.  That  River  falls 
into  the  Lake ;  but  for  fear  of  being  frozen  up  therein,  we 
were  forc'd  to  cut  the  Ice  with  Axes  and  other  Inftruments. 

The  Wind  turning  then  contrary,  we  were  oblig'd  to  tarry 
there  till  the  i^th  of  December,  1678,  when  we  fail'd  from  the 
Northern  Coaft  to  the  Southern,  where  the  River  Niagara 
runs  into  the  Lake;  but  could  not  reach  it  that  Day,  though 
it  is  but  Fifteen  or  Sixteen  Leagues  diftant,  and  therefore 
caft  Anchor  within  Five  Leagues  of  the  Shore,  where  we  had 
very  bad  Weather  all  the  Night  long. 

On  the  6th,  being  St.  Nicholases  Day,  we  got  into  the  fine 
River  Niagara,  into  which  never  any  fuch  Ship  as  ours  enter'd 
before.  We  fung  there  Te  Deurn,  and  other  Prayers,  to  re- 
turn our  Thanks  to  God  Almighty  for  our  profperous  Voy- 
age.    The  Iroquefe  Tfonnontouans  inhabiting  the  little  Village, 

^Probably  the  Humber  River,  at  the  mouth  of  which  Toronto  is  situated. —  Ed. 


78  A  New  Difcovery  of 

fituated  at  the  mouth  of  the  River,  took  above  Three  Hun- 
dred Whitings,  which  are  bigger  than  Carps,  and  the  [40] 
beft  relifh'd,  as  well  as  the  wholefomeft  Flfh  In  the  World ; 
which  they  prefented  all  to  us,  imputing  their  good  Luck  to 
our  Arrival.  They  were  much  furprized  at  our  Ship,  which 
they  call'd  the  great  woodden  Canou. 

On  the  7^^,  we  went  in  a  Canou  two  Leagues  up  the 
River,  to  look  for  a  convenient  Place  for  Building ;  but  not 
being  able  to  get  the  Canou  farther  up,  becaufe  the  Current 
was  too  rapid  for  us  to  mafter,  we  went  over  land  about  three 
Leagues  higher,  though  we  found  no  Land  fit  for  culture. 
We  lay  that  Night  near  a  River,  which  runs  from  the  Weft- 
ward,^  within  a  League  above  the  great  Fall  of  Niagara^ 
which,  as  we  have  already  faid,  is  the  greateft  in  the  World. 
The  Snow  was  then  a  Foot  deep,  and  we  were  oblig'd  to  dig 
it  up  to  make  room  for  our  Fire. 

The  next  day  we  return'd  the  fame  way  we  went,  and  faw 
great  Numbers  of  Wild  Goats,  and  Wild  Turkey-Cocks,  and 
on  the  iith^  we  faid  the  firft  Mafs  that  ever  was  faid  in  that 
Country.  The  Carpenters  and  the  reft  of  the  Crew  were  fet 
to  work ;  but  Monfieur  de  la  Motte^  who  had  the  Diredlion  of 
them,  being  not  able  to  endure  the  Fatigues  of  fo  laborious 
a  Life,  gave  over  his  Delign,  and  return'd  to  Canada,  having 
about  two  hundred  Leagues  to  travel. 

The  12th,  ^3^^i  and  i^th,  the  Wind  was  not  favourable 
enough  to  fail  up  the  River  as  far  as  the  rapid  Current  above 
mention'd,  where  we  had  refolv'd  to  build  fome  Houfes. 


^This  is  supposed  to  be  Chippewa  Creek. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  79 

Whofoever  confiders  our  Map,  will  eafily  fee,  that  this 
New  Enterprize  of  building  a  Fort  and  fome  Houfes  on  the 
River  Niagara^  befides  the  Fort  of  Frontenac,  was  like  to  give 
Jealoufie  to  the  Iroquefe,  and  even  to  the  Engli/h,  who  live  in 
this  Neighbourhood,  and  have  a  great  Commerce  with  them. 
Therefore  to  prevent  the  ill  Confequences  of  it,  it  [41]  was 
thought  fit  to  fend  an  Embaflie  to  the  Iroqtiefe,  as  it  will  be 
mention'd  in  the  next  Chapter. 

The  i^th,  I  was  defir'd  to  fit  at  the  Helm  of  our  Brigan- 
tine,  while  three  of  our  Men  hall'd  the  fame  from  the  Shore 
with  a  Rope ;  and  at  laft  we  brought  her  up,  and  moor'd  her 
to  the  Shore  with  a  Halfer,  near  a  Rock  of  a  prodigious 
heighth,  lying  upon  the  rapid  Currents  we  have  already  men- 
tion'd. The  17th,  1 8th,  and  19th,  we  were  bufie  in  making 
a  Cabin  with  Palifadoes,  to  ferve  for  a  Magazine ;  but  the 
Ground  was  fo  frozen,  that  we  were  forced  to  throw  feveral 
times  boiling  water  upon  it  to  facilitate  the  beating  in  and 
driving  down  the  Stakes.  The  20th,  21ft,  22d,  and  23d,  our 
Ship  was  in  great  danger  to  be  dafh'd  in  pieces,  by  the  vafl 
pieces  of  Ice  that  were  hurl'd  down  the  River ;  to  prevent 
which,  our  Carpenters  made  a  Capftane  to  haul  her  afhore ; 
but  our  great  Cable  broke  in  three  pieces;  whereupon  one 
of  our  Carpenters  furrounded  the  Veffel  with  a  Cable,  and 
ty'd  to  it  feveral  Ropes,  v/hereby  we  got  her  afhore,  tho'  with 
much  difficulty,  and  fav'd  her  from  the  danger  of  being 
broke  to  pieces,  or  carried  away  by  the  Ice,  which  came  down 
with  an  extream  violence  from  the  great  Fall  of  Niagara. 


8o  A  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    XV. 

An  Account  of  the  EmbaJJie  to  the  Iroquefe  Tfonnontouans. 

THESE  Savages  being  the  moft  numerous  Nation  of  that 
Country,  it  was  requiiite  to  avoid  giving  them  any  man- 
ner of  fufpicion ;  and  in  order  thereto,  we  thought  fit  to  pre- 
poffefs  thofe  of  the  little  Village  of  Niagara  with  a  favourable 
opinion  of  our  Defign :  We  told  them,  that  we  did  not  intend 
to  build  a  Fort  on  the  Bank  of  their  River  Niagara^  [42]  but 
only  a  great  Hanger  or  Store-houfe,  to  keep  the  Commodities 
we  had  brought  to  fupply  their  Occafions.  We  accompany'd 
our  Difcourfe  with  fome  fmall  Prefents,  and  told  them  that 
we  fhould  remain  with  them,  while  Six  or  Seven  of  our  Com- 
pany went  to  the  great  Village  of  the  Tfonnontouans^  to  treat 
with  their  chief  Captains.  And  truly  it  was  abfolutely  necef- 
fary  to  go  thither,  to  remove  the  Sufpicion  the  Enemies  of 
our  Difcovery  had  fuggefted  to  that  People  concerning  our 
Defigns. 

As  I  was  building  a  little  Cabin  of  Bark,  to  perform  Di- 
vine Service  therein,  M.  de  la  Motte,  who  was  ftill  with  us, 
deiir'd  me  to  accompany  him  in  his  Embaflie,  which  I  was 
very  unwilhng  to  comply  with ;  and  therefore  intreated  him 
to  fuffer  me  to  ftay  there  with  the  greater  number  of  our 
Men.    But  notwithftanding  the  Arguments  I  us'd,  he  told  me 


a  Large  Cowttry  in  America.  8i 

that  he  was  refolv'd  to  take  along  with  him  7  Men  out  of  16, 
that  we  were  in  all ;  that  I  underftood  in  a  manner  the  Lan- 
guage of  their  Nation,  having  been  often  in  conference  with 
them  at  the  Fort  of  Frontenac ;  that  the  Glory  of  God  was 
concern'd  in  this  Undertaking ;  that  he  would  not  truft  thofe 
that  were  to  accompany  him ;  and  in  fhort,  that  if  our  Enter- 
prize  fhould  mifcarry  upon  that  account,  the  Blame  would  lie 
at  my  door.  Thefe  with  fome  other  fecret  Reafons,  oblig'd 
me  to  comply  with  his  Defire,  and  to  follow  him. 

We  travell'd  with  Shooes  made  after  the  Indian  way,  of  a 
fingle  Skin,  but  without  Soles,  becaufe  the  Earth  was  ftill  cov- 
er'd  with  Snow,  and  paft  through  Forefts  for  thirty  two 
Leagues  together,  carrying  upon  our  Backs  our  Coverings 
and  other  Baggage,  lying  often  in  open  Field,  and  having 
with  us  no  other  Food  but  fome  roafted  Indian  Corn :  'Tis 
true,  we  met  upon  our  Road  fome  Iroqueje  a  hunting,  who 
gave  us  fome  wild  Goats,  and  fifteen  or  fixteen  black  Squir- 
rils,  which  are  excellent  [43]  Meat.  However,  after  five  Days 
Journey,  we  came  to  Tagarondies,  a  great  Village  of  the  Iroquefe 
Tfonnontouans^^  and  were  immediately  carry'd  to  the  Cabin  of 
their  Principal  Chief,  where  Women  and  Children  flock'd  to 
fee  us,  our  Men  being  very  well  dreft  and  arm'd.  An  old 
Man  having  according  to  Cuftom  made  publick  Cries,  to 
give  Notice  of  our  arrival  to  their  Village ;  the  younger  Sav- 
ages wadi'd  our  Feet,  which  afterwards  they  rubb'd  over  with 


1  Apparently  the  village  located  on  Boughton  Hill,  near  Victor,  N.  Y.;  it  is  men- 
tioned by  the  Jesuit  missionaries  as  Gandagaro.  See  W.  M.  Beauchamp's  map  (with 
notes)  of  Iroquois  village  sites,  in  Jes.  Relations,  li,  p.  293. —  Ed. 


82  A  New  Difcovery  of 

the  Greafe  of  Deers,  wild  Goats,  and  other  Beafts,  and  the 
Oil  of  Bears. 

The  next  Day,  which  was  the  Firft  of  the  Year  1679,  after 
the  ordinary  Service,  I  preach'd  in  a  little  Chapel  made  of 
Barks  of  Trees,  in  prefence  of  two  Jefuites,  viz.  Father  Gar- 
nier  and  Rafeix^;  and  afterwards  we  had  a  Conference  with 
42  old  Men,  who  make  up  their  Council.  Thefe  Savages  are 
for  the  moft  part  tall,  and  very  well  ihap'd,  cover'd  with  a 
fort  of  Robe  made  of  Beavers  and  Wolves-Skins,  or  of  black 
Squirrels,  holding  a  Pipe  or  Calumet  in  their  Hands.  The 
Senators  of  Venice  do  not  appear  with  a  graver  Countenance, 
and  perhaps  don't  fpeak  with  more  Majefty  and  Solidity,  than 
thofe  ancient  Iroquefe. 

This  Nation  is  the  moft  cruel  and  barbarous  of  all  America^ 
efpecially  to  their  Slaves,  whom  they  take  above  two  or  three 
hundred  Leagues  from  their  Country,  as  I  fhall  fhew  in  my 
Second  Volume ;  however,  I  muft  do  them  the  Juftice  to  ob- 
ferve,  that  they  have  many  good  Qualities ;  and  that  they  love 
the  Europeans,  to  whom  they  fell  their  Commodities  at  very 
reafonable  Rates.  They  have  a  mortal  Hatred  for  thofe,  who 
being  too  felf-interefted  and  covetous,  are  always  endeavour- 
ing to  inrich  themfelves  to  the  Prejudice  of  others.  Their 
chief  Commodities  are  Beavers-Skins,  which  they  bring  from 
above  a  hundred  and  fifty  Leagues  off  their  Habitations,  to 
exchange  them  with  the  Englijh  and  [44]  Dutch,  whom  they 


^  Julien  Gamier  and  Pierre  Raffeix,  long  missionaries  among  the  Iroquois  tribes  — 
the  former  from  1668  to  1685,  the  latter  from  1671  to  1680. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  83 

affed  more  than  the  Inhabitants  of  Canada^  becaufe  they  are 
more  affable,  and  fell  them  their  Commodities  cheaper. 

One  of  our  own  Men,  nam'd  Anthony  Broffard^  who  under- 
ftood  very  well  the  Language  of  the  Iroquefe,  and  therefore 
was  Interpreter  to  M.  de  la  Motte,  told  their  Affembly, 

Fi?'Jl,  That  we  were  come  to  pay  them  a  Vifit,  and  fmoak 
with  them  in  their  Pipes,  a  Ceremony  which  I  ihall  defcrlbe 
anon:  And  then  we  deliver'd  our  Prefents,  confifting  of  Axes, 
Knives,  a  great  Collar  of  white  and  blue  Porcelain, ^  with 
fome  Gowns.  We  made  Prefents  upon  every  Point  we  pro- 
pos'd  to  them,  of  the  fame  nature  as  the  former. 

Secondly,  We  defir'd  them,  in  the  next  place  to  give  Notice 
to  the  five  Cantons  of  their  Nation,  that  we  were  about  to 
build  a  Ship,  or  great  woodden  Canow  above  the  great  Fall 
of  the  River  Niagara,  to  go  and  fetch  European  Commodities 
by  a  more  convenient  paffage  than  the  ordinary  one,  by  the 
River  St.  Laurence,  whofe  rapid  Currents  make  it  dangerous 
and  long ;  and  that  by  thefe  means  we  fhould  afford  them  our 
Commodities  cheaper  than  the  Engli/h  and  Dutch  of  Bojion 
and  New-York.  This  Pretence  was  fpecious  enough,  and  very 
well  contriv'd  to  engage  that  barbarous  Nation  to  extirpate 


^  The  term  commonly  used  by  the  French  for  the  beads  which  served  the  Indians  as 

both  money  and  adornment;  the  same  as  the  "  wampum  "  of  English  writers.  Orig-  ,•' 
inally  cut  from  shells  by  crude  and  slow  methods,  these  beads  were  largely  replaced,  '  \ 
when  the  savages  began  to  trade  with  white  men,  by  others  of  glass,  porcelain,  etc., 

manufactured  in  Europe.    They  were  strung  together  on  cords  or  threads;  or  were  \ 

woven  into  bands  one  to  four  inches  wide,  which  were  called  "  belts  "  or  "  collars."  / 

For  description,  use,  and  history  of  wampum,  or  porcelain,  see  Jes.  Relations,  viii,  I 

pp.  312-314  ;  xii,  277  ;  xlvi,  301. —  Ed.  \ 


84  A  New  Difcovery  of 

the  EnglijJi  and  Dutch  out  of  America :  For  they  fufiPer  the 
Europeans  among  them  only  for  the  Fear  they  have  of  them, 
or  elfe  for  the  Profit  they  make  in  Bartering  their  Commo- 
dities with  them. 

Thirdly,  We  told  them  farther,  that  we  fhould  provide 
them  at  the  River  Niagara  with  a  Black-fmith  and  a  Gun- 
fmith,  to  mend  their  Guns,  Axes,  (ffc.  having  no  body  among 
them  that  underftood  that  Trade,  and  that  for  the  conveniency 
of  their  whole  Nation,  we  would  fettle  thofe  Workmen  on  the 
Lake  of  Ontario,  at  the  Mouth  of  the  River  Niagara.  [45]  We 
threw  again  among  them  feven  or  eight  Gowns,  and  fome 
Pieces  of  fine  Cloth,  which  they  cover  themfelves  with  from 
the  Waft  to  the  Knees.  This  was  in  order  to  engage  them 
on  our  fide,  and  prevent  their  giving  ear  to  any  who  might 
fuggeft  ill  things  of  us,  entreating  them  firft  to  acquaint  us 
with  the  Reports  that  fhould  be  made  unto  them  to  our  Pre- 
judice, before  they  yielded  their  Belief  to  the  fame. 

We  added  many  other  Reafons  which  we  thought  proper 
to  perfuade  them  to  favour  our  Defign.  The  Prefents  we 
made  unto  them,  either  in  Cloth  or  Iron,  were  worth  above 
400  Livres,^  befides  fome  other  European  Commodities,  very 
fcarce  in  that  Country :  For  the  beft  Reafons  in  the  World 
are  not  liftned  to  among  them,  unlefs  they  are  enforc'd  with 
Prefents. 

I  forgot  to  obferve,  that  before  our  Interpreter  began  to 


^  A  French  money  of  account,  in  value  nearly  equal  to  the  modern  franc  (or  about 
twenty  cents  U.  S.  money).  The  iivre  of  Tours  was  worth  20  sous,  that  of  Paris 
25  sous. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  85 

talk  of  thefe  matters  with  the  Council,  M.  de  la  Motte  order'd 
him  to  tell  the  Iroquefe^  That  he  would  enter  into  no  Particu- 
lars in  prefence  of  Father  Gamier  a  Jefuite,  whom  he  much 
fufpeded :  Whereupon  the  old  Senators  order'd  the  faid 
Father  to  withdraw.  As  I  had  a  great  Refpect  for  him,  I 
went  out  likewife  to  bear  part  of  the  Affront  put  upon  him, 
and  to  let  M.  la  Motte  fee  that  he  had  no  reafon  to  defire 
me  to  go  to  the  Council  with  him,  fince  he  had  refolv'd  to 
affront  in  my  prefence  a  Jefuite-Miflionary,  who  was  amongft 
that  barbarous  Nation,  without  any  other  Defign  but  to  in- 
ftru6l  them  in  the  Truth  of  the  Gofpel.  This  was  the  reafon 
why  I  was  not  prefent  in  the  Council  the  firft  Day  that  v/e 
acquainted  the  Iroquefe  with  the  fubjedl  of  our  Embaflie.  I 
eafily  obferv'd  that  M.  la  Motte  had  been  bred  up  amongft 
People  profefs'd  Enemies  of  all  Monks  and  Priefts ;  from 
whence  I  concluded,  that  he  would  lay  upon  me  all  the  Over- 
fights  he  might  commit  in  his  Negotiation :  But  I  [46] 
thought  it  was  better  he  fhould  be  deceiv'd  by  thofe  he  em- 
ploy'd,  than  to  be  fo  my  felf;  and  therefore  would  never 
meddle  with  any  Temporal  Concerns,  though  earneftly  defir'd 
by  him  and  others.  The  Iroquefe^  and  other  wild  Nations,  had 
a  great  Love  for  me  upon  that  Account:  They  have  fupply'd 
me  with  Food  for  my  fubfiftance,  and  reliev'd  me  upon  other 
Occafions,  only  becaufe  they  obferv'd  I  was  not  guided  by  a 
private  felf-Intereft ;  and  truly  whenever  they  made  me  any 
Prefents  in  return  of  thofe  I  had  made  unto  them,  I  imme- 
diately gave  them  to  their  Children. 

The  next  Day  the  Iroquefe  anfwer'd  our  Difcourfe  and 


86  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Prefents  Article  by  Article,  having  laid  upon  the  Ground 
feveral  little  pieces  of  Wood,  to  put  them  in  mind  of  what 
had  been  faid  the  Day  before  in  the  Council ;  their  Speaker, 
or  Prefident,  held  in  his  Hand  one  of  thefe  Pieces  of  Wood, 
and  when  he  had  anfwer'd  one  Article  of  our  Propofal,  he 
laid  it  down,  with  fome  Prefents  of  black  and  white  Porce- 
lain, which  they  ufe  to  firing  upon  the  fmalleft  Sinews  of 
Beafts  ;  and  then  took  up  another  Piece  of  Wood  ;  and  fo  of 
all  the  reft,  till  he  had  fully  anfwer'd  our  Speech,  of  which 
thofe  Pieces  of  Wood,  and  our  Prefents  put  them  in  mind. 
When  his  Difcourfe  was  ended,  the  oldeft  Man  of  their 
Affembly  cry'd  aloud  for  three  times,  Niaoiia  ;  that  is  to  fay, 
It  is  well,  I  thank  thee ;  which  was  repeated  with  a  full  Voice, 
and  in  a  tuneful  manner  by  all  the  other  Senators. 

'Tis  to  be  obferv'd  here,  that  the  Savages,  though  fome 
are  more  cunning  than  others,  are  generally  all  addi6led  to 
their  own  Interefts ;  and  therefore  though  the  h'oquefe  feem'd 
to  be  pleas'd  with  our  Propofals,  they  were  not  really  fo ; 
for  the  Englijh  and  Dutch  affording  them  the  European  Com- 
modities at  cheaper  Rates  than  the  French  of  Canada,  they 
had  a  greater  Inclination  for  them  than  for  us.  That  People, 
tho'  [47]  fo  barbarous  and  rude  in  their  Manners,  have  how- 
ever a  Piece  of  Civility  peculiar  to  themfelves ;  for  a  Man 
would  be  accounted  very  impertinent,  if  he  contradi6led  any 
thing  that  is  faid  in  their  Council,  and  if  he  does  not  approve 
even  the  greateft  Abfurdities  therein  propos'd  ;  and  therefore 
they  always  anfwer,  Ntaoiia ;  that  is  to  fay.  Thou  art  in  the 
right,  Brother ;  that  is  welL 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  87 

Notwithftanding  that  feeming  Approbation,  they  believe 
what  they  pleafe  and  no  more ;  and  therefore  'tis  impoflible 
to  know  when  they  are  really  perfuaded  of  thofe  things  you 
have  mention'd  unto  them,  which  I  take  to  be  one  of  the 
greateft  Obftrudlions  to  their  Converfion ;  For  their  Civility 
hindring  them  from  making  any  Objedlion,  or  contradiding 
what  is  faid  unto  them,  they  feem  to  approve  of  it,  though 
perhaps  they  laugh  at  it  in  private,  or  elfe  never  beftow  a 
Moment  to  refledt  upon  it,  fuch  being  their  Indifference  for 
a  future  Life.  From  thefe  Obfervations,  I  conclude  that  the 
Converfion  of  that  People  is  to  be  defpair'd  of,  'till  they 
are  fubdu'd  by  the  Europeans^  and  that  their  Children  have 
another  fort  of  Education,  unlefs  God  be  pleas'd  to  work  a 
Miracle  in  their  Favour. 

While  we  were  ftill  with  the  Iroquefe^  their  Parties  made  an 
Excurfion  toward  Virginia^  and  brought  two  Prifoners  with 
them,  one  whereof  was  Hotitouagaha,^  which  in  the  Language 
of  the  Iroquefey  fignifies  a  talkative  or  babling  Fellow,  and 
the  other  of  the  Nation  of  Gannieffinga,^  whither  fome  En- 
glifli  Franctfcans  were  fent  MifTionaries.  The  Iroquefe  fpar'd 
the  Life  of  this  laft,  but  put  to  death  the  former,  with  fuch 


^  Probably  a  misprint  for  Ontouagannha,  the  name  given  by  the  Iroquois  to  the 
Algonquian  tribe  generally  known  as  Shawnese.  The  term  is  defined  by  Jesuit  mis- 
sionary writers  as  indicating  a  people  who  use  a  barbarous  dialect,  or  who  are  ignorant 
and  rude.  The  Shawnese,  a  migratory  people,  wandered,  at  various  times,  from  the 
Tennessee  River  to  the  mountainous  region  of  Pennsylvania,  and  westward  into  Ohio 
(where  they  probably  were  in  Hennepin's  time).  SttJes.  Relations,  xlvii,  pp.  145, 
316;  Ixi,  p.  249. —  Ed. 

2  Perhaps  a  reference  to  the  Gannaouens,  or  Kanawhas,  the  same  as  the  Piscato- 
ways  ;  a  tribe  in  Maryland,  friendly  to  the  English  ;  they  lived  on  the  upper  Potomac 
River. —  Ed. 


88  A  New  Difcovery  of 

exquifite  Torments,  that  Nero^  Domitian,  and  Maximilian^ 
never  invented  the  like,  to  exercife  the  Patience  of  the 
Martyrs  of  the  Primitive  Church  with  all. 

They  ufe  commonly  that  Inhumanity  towards  all  the  Prif- 
oners  they  take  in  their  Warlike  Expeditions ;  but  the  worft 
of  it  is,  that  their  Torments  laft  [48]  fometimes  a  Month. 
When  they  have  brought  them  into  their  Canton^  they  lay 
them  upon  fome  pieces  of  Wood,  made  like  a  St.  Andrew\ 
Crofs,  to  which  they  tie  the  Legs  and  Arms  of  thofe  mifer- 
able  Wretches,  and  expofe  them  to  Gnats  and  other  FHes, 
who  fting  them  to  death.  The  Children  of  thofe  barbarous 
Parents,  cut  pieces  of  Flefh  out  of  their  Flanks,  Thighs,  or 
fome  other  part  of  their  Bodies ;  and  when  they  have  boyl'd 
it,  force  thofe  poor  Wretches  to  eat  thereof.  The  Iroquefe 
eat  fome  pieces  of  it  themfelves,  as  well  as  their  Children; 
and  the  better  to  infpire  thofe  little  Canibals  with  Hatred 
for  their  Enemies,  and  the  defire  to  extirpate  them,  they  give 
them  their  Blood  to  drink  in  fome  little  Porrengers  made  of 
Barks  of  Trees.  Thus  do  thefe  poor  Creatures  end  their 
Life  after  a  long  and  unfpeakable  Torment. 

That  horrid  Cruelty  oblig'd  us  to  leave  the  Cabin,  or 
Cotage  of  the  chief  Captain  of  that  barbarous  People,  to 
(hew  them  the  Horrour  we  had  of  their  Inhumanity,  and 
never  eat  with  them  fince,  but  return'd  the  fame  way  we  went 
through  the  Woods  to  the  River  Niagara.  And  this  was  all 
the  fuccefs  of  our  Ambaffie. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  89 


CHAP.    XVI. 

A  Defcrtption  of  a  Ship  of  Sixty  Tuns,  which  we  built  near  the 
Streights  of  the  Lake  Erie,  during  the  PFinter  and  Spring  of 
the  Year  1679. 

ON  the  14th  of  January  we  arrived  at  our  Habitation  of 
Niagara,  very  weary  of  the  Fatigues  of  our  Voyage. 
We  had  no  other  Food  but  Indian  Corn ;  but  by  good  luck 
for  us,  the  Fifhery  of  the  Whitings,  I  have  already  fpoken 
of,  was  then  in  feafon,  and  made  our  Indian  Corn  more 
relifhing.  We  [49]  made  ufe  of  the  Water,  in  which  the 
Fifh  was  boiled,  inftead  of  Broth  of  Meat ;  for  when  it  grows 
cold  in  the  Pot,  it  congeals  it  felf  like  fome  Veal-Broth. 

On  the  20th  arrived  M.  de  la  Salle  from  Fort  Frontenac, 
from  whence  he  was  fent  with  a  great  Barque  to  fupply  us 
with  Provifions,  Rigging,  and  Tackling  for  the  Ship  we 
defign'd  to  build  at  the  Mouth  of  the  Lake  Erie ;  but  that 
Barque  was  unfortunately  cafb  away  on  the  Southern  Coaft 
of  the  Lake  Ontario,  by  the  fault  of  two  Pilots,  who  could  not 
agree  about  the  Courfe  they  were  to  fleer,  tho'  they  were  then 
only  within  two  Leagues  of  Niagara.  The  Sea-men  have 
call'd  this  Place  the  Mad-Cape.  The  Anchors  and  Cables 
were  fav'd,  but  feveral  Canows  made  of  Barks  of  Trees  with 
Goods  and  Commodities  were  loft.     Thefe  difappointments 


90  A  New  Difcovery  of 

were  fuch  as  would  have  diffwaded  from  any  farther  Enter- 
prize  all  other  Perfons  but  fuch  who  had  form'd  the  gener- 
ous Defign  of  making  a  New  Difcovery  in  the  Country. 

Ni.  de  la  Salle  told  us,  that  before  he  loft  his  Barque,  he 
had  been  with  the  Iroqueje  Tfonnontouans,  and  had  fo  dexter- 
oufly  gain'd  their  Affedion,  that  they  had  talk'd  to  him  of 
our  Embaffie  with  Applaufe,  and  had  given  him  their  Con- 
fent  for  the  Execution  of  our  Undertaking.  This  good 
Intelligence  lafted  but  a  little  while ;  for  certain  Perfons,  who 
made  it  their  Bufinefs  to  crofs  our  Defign,  Infpir'd  the  Iro- 
quefe  with  many  Sufpicions  about  the  Fort  we  were  building 
at  Niagara,  which  was  in  a  great  forwardnefs ;  and  their  Suf- 
picions grew  fo  high,  that  we  were  oblig'd  to  give  over  our 
Building  for  fome  time,  contenting  our  felves  with  an  Habi- 
tation encompafs'd  with  Palifado's. 

On  the  22th  of  the  faid  Month,  we  went  two  Leagues 
above  the  great  Fall  of  Niagara,  where  we  made  a  Dock  for 
Building  the  Ship  we  wanted  for  our  Voyage.  This  was  the 
moft  convenient  place  [50]  we  could  pitch  upon,  being  upon 
a  River  which  falls  into  the  Streight  between  the  Lake  Erie  and 
the  great  Fall  of  Niagara.^  The  26th,  the  Keel  of  the  Ship  and 
fome  other  Pieces  being  ready,  M.  de  la  Salle  fent  the  Mafter- 
Carpenter  to  defire  me  to  drive  in  the  firft  Pin ;  but  my  Pro- 
feffion  obliging  me  to  decline  that  Honour,  he  did  it  himfelf, 


^The  location  of  this  place,  where  was  built  the  first  sailing-vessel  on  the  Upper 
Lakes,  is  identified  by  Parkman  {La  Salle,  p.  132,  note)  as  the  mouth  of  Cayuga  Creek, 
N.  Y.  See  O.  H.  Marshall's  "Building  and  Voyage  of  the  Griffon  in  1679,"  ^^ 
Publications  of  Buffalo  Historical  Society,  i  (Buffalo,  1879) !  and  C.  K.  Remington's 
Shipyard  of  the  Griffon  (Buffalo,  1891).— Ed. 


a  harge  Country  in  America.  91 

and  promis'd  Ten  Louis  d'Or's,  to  encourage  the  Carpenter 
and  further  the  Work.  The  Winter  being  not  half  fo  hard 
in  that  Country  as  in  Canada,  we  employ'd  one  of  the  two 
Savages  of  the  Nation  call'd  the  fVolf,  whom  we  kept  for 
Hunting,  in  building  fome  Cabins  made  of  Rinds  of  Trees; 
and  I  had  one  made  on  purpofe  to  perform  Divine  Service 
therein  on  Sundays,  and  other  occafions. 

M.  de  la  Salle  having  fome  urgent  Bufinefs  of  his  own, 
return'd  to  Fort  Frontenac,  leaving  for  our  Commander  one 
Tonti,  an  Italian  by  Birth,  who  had  been  forc'd  to  retire  into 
France  after  the  Revolution  of  Naples,  in  which  his  Father 
was  concern'd.^  I  conduced  M.  de  la  Salle  as  far  as  the  Lake 
Ontario,  at  the  Mouth  of  the  River  Niagara,  where  he  order'd 
a  Houfe  to  be  built  for  the  Smith  we  had  promis'd  to  the 
Iroqiiefe ;  but  this  was  only  to  amuze  them,  and  therefore  I 
cannot  but  own  that  the  Savages  are  not  to  be  blam'd  for 
having  not  believ'd  every  thing  they  were  told  by  M.  la  Motte 
in  his  Embaflie  already  related. 

He  undertook  his  Journey  a-foot  over  the  Snow,  having 
no  other  Provifions  but  a  little  Sack  of  Indian  Corn  roafted, 
which  fail'd  him  two  Days  before  he  came  to  the  Fort,  which 
is  above  fourfcore  Leagues  diftant  from  the  Place  where  he 
left  us.  However,  he  got  home  fafely  with  two  Men,  and  a 
Dog,  who  dragg'd  his  Baggage  over  the  Ice,  or  frozen  Snow. 

When  I   return'd  to   our  Dock,  I   underftood  that  moft 


1  Henri  de  Tonty  was  La  Salle's  lieutenant  and  trusted  friend,  amid  all  the  difficul- 
ties, dangers,  and  losses  in  which  the  explorer  was  involved.  It  was  Tonty  who  built 
Fort  St.  Louis  on  the  Illinois  River,  where  he  remained  until  1700  ;  he  then  joined 
Iberville  on  the  Mississippi.     In  1704  he  died  at  Mobile,  of  yellow  fever. —  Ed. 


92  A  New  Difcovery  of 

of  the  Iroquefe  were  gone  to  wage  War  with  a  Nation  on  the 
other  fide  of  the  Lake  Erie.  In  the  [51]  mean  time,  our 
Men  continu'd  with  great  Application  to  build  our  Ship ;  for 
the  Iroquefe  who  were  left  behind,  being  but  a  fmall  number, 
were  not  fo  infolent  as  before,  though  they  came  now  and 
then  to  our  Dock,  and  exprefs'd  fome  Difcontent  at  what 
we  were  doing.  One  of  them  in  particular,  feigning  himfelf 
drunk,  attempted  to  kill  our  Smith,  but  was  vigoroufly  re- 
puls'd  by  him  with  a  red-hot  Iron-barr,  which,  together  with 
the  Reprimand  he  receiv'd  from  me,  oblig'd  him  to  be  gone. 
Some  few  Days  after,  a  Savage  Woman  gave  us  notice,  that 
the  Tfonnontouans  had  refolv'd  to  burn  our  Ship  In  the  Dock, 
and  had  certainly  done  it,  had  we  not  been  always  upon  our 
Guard. 

Thefe  frequent  Alarms  from  the  Natives,  together  with 
the  Fears  we  were  in  of  wanting  Provifions,  having  loft  the 
great  Barque  from  Fort  Frontenac^  which  fhould  have  reliev'd 
us,  and  the  Tfonnontouans  at  the  fame  time  refufing  to  give 
us  of  their  Corn  for  Money,  were  a  great  Difcouragement  to 
our  Carpenters,  whom,  on  the  other  hand,  a  Villain  amongft 
us  endeavour'd  to  feduce :  That  pitiful  Fellow  had  feveral 
times  attempted  to  run  away  from  us  into  New-York,  and 
would  have  been  likely  to  pervert  our  Carpenters,  had  I  not 
confirm'd  them  in  their  good  Refolution,  by  the  Exhortations 
I  us'd  to  make  every  Holy-day  after  Divine  Service ;  in  which 
I  reprefented  to  them,  that  the  Glory  of  God  was  concern'd 
in  our  Undertaking,  befides  the  Good  and  Advantage  of  our 
Chriftian  Colonies ;  and  therefore  exhorted  them  to  redouble 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  93 

their  Diligence,  in  order  to  free  our  felves  from  all  thofe 
Inconveniencies  and  Apprehenfions  we  then  lay  under. 

The  two  Savages  we  had  taken  into  our  Service,  went 
all  this  while  a  Hunting,  and  fupply'd  us  with  Wild-Goats, 
and  other  Beafts  for  our  Subfiftence ;  which  encourag'd  our 
Workmen  to  go  on  with  their  Work  more  briskly  than  be- 
fore, infomuch  that  in  a  [52]  fhort  time  our  Ship  was  in  a 
readinefs  to  be  launch'd  ;  which  we  did,  after  having  blefs'd 
the  fame  according  to  the  ufe  of  the  Romi/h  Church.  We 
made  all  the  hafte  we  could  to  get  it  a-float,  though  not  alto- 
gether finifh'd,  to  prevent  the  Defigns  of  the  Natives,  who 
had  refolv'd  to  burn  it. 

The  Ship  was  call'd  the  Griffin,  alluding  to  the  Arms  of 
Count  Frontenac,  which  have  two  Griffins  for  Supporters ;  and 
befides,  M.  la  Salle  us'd  to  fay  of  this  Ship,  while  yet  upon  the 
Stocks,  That  he  would  make  the  Griffin  fly  above  the  Ravens} 
We  fir'd  three  Guns,  and  fung  Te  Deum,  which  was  attended 
with  loud  Acclamations  of  Joy ;  of  which  thofe  of  the  Iroquefe, 
who  were  accidentally  prefent  at  this  Ceremony,  were  alfo 
Partakers  ;  for  we  gave  them  fome  Brandy  to  drink,  as  well  as 
to  our  Men,  who  immediately  quitted  their  Cabins  of  Rinds 
of  Trees,  and  hang'd  their  Hammocks  under  the  Deck  of  the 
Ship,  there  to  lie  with  more  fecurity  than  a-fhoar.  We  did  the 
like,  infomuch  that  the  very  fame  Day  we  were  all  on  board, 
and  thereby  out  of  the  reach  of  the  Infults  of  the  Savages. 

The  Iroquefe  being  return'd  from  Hunting  Beavers,  were 
mightily  furpriz'd  to  fee  our  Ship  a-float,  and  call'd  us  Otkon, 

^  In  sarcastic  allusion  to  the  black  gowns  of  the  Jesuits, —  Ed. 


94  A  New  Dlfcovery  of 

that  Is  in  their  Language,  Moft  penetrating  Wits :  For  they 
could  not  apprehend  how  in  fo  fhort  a  time  we  had  been  able 
to  build  fo  great  a  Ship,  though  it  was  but  60  Tuns.^  It 
might  have  been  indeed  call'd  a  moving  Fortrefs ;  for  all  the 
Savages  inhabiting  the  Banks  of  thofe  Lakes  and  Rivers  I 
have  mention'd,  for  five  hundred  Leagues  together,  were 
fill'd  with  Fear  as  well  as  Admiration  when  they  faw  it. 

The  beft  Defigns  are  often  crofs'd  by  fome  unexpected 
Accidents,  which  God  permits  to  happen,  to  try  Mens  Con- 
ftancy,  as  I  experienc'd  at  that  time.  One  of  our  Crew  gave 
me  notice,  that  the  Sieur  de  Tonti  our  Commander  entertain'd 
fome  Jealoufie  of  \_^'^  me,  becaufe  I  kept  a  Journal  of  all  the 
confiderable  Things  that  were  tranfaded;  and  that  he  defign'd 
to  take  the  fame  from  me.  This  Advice  oblig'd  me  to  ftand 
upon  my  Guard,  and  take  all  other  Precautions,  to  fecure 
my  Obfervations,  and  remove  the  Jealoufie  that  Gentleman 
had  of  me :  For  I  had  no  other  Defign  but  to  keep  our 
Men  to  their  Duty,  and  to  Exercifes  of  Piety  and  Devotion, 
for  preventing  Diforders,  and  for  the  furtherance  of  our 
Common  Undertaking. 

In  the  mean  time,  our  Enemies  fpread  very  difadvanta- 
geous  Reports  of  us  in  Canada^  where  we  were  reprefented 
as  rafh  and  inconfiderate  Perfons,  for  venturing  upon  fo  dan- 
gerous a  Voyage,  from  which,  in  their  Opinion,  none  of  us 
would  ever  return.  This,  together  with  the  Difficulties  we 
labour'd  under  for  tranfporting  the  Rigging  of  our  Ship, 


1  In  his  Louisiane  (ed.    1683,   p.   46),   Hennepin  says  that   it  was   of  forty-five 
tons.— Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  95 

and  the  other  Inconveniencies  neceffarily  attending  a  Voyage 
through  an  unknown  Country,  Lakes,  and  Rivers,  where  no 
European  had  travell'd  before,  and  the  Oppofitions  from  the 
Iroquefe,  wrought  in  me  an  unparallel'd  Vexation.  But  thefe 
Reports  were  ftill  more  prejudicial  to  M.  la  Salle,  whofe 
Creditors,  without  enquiring  into  the  Truth  of  the  Matter, 
or  expelling  his  Return  from  Fort  Frontenac,  feiz'd  all  his 
Effeds  in  Canada  ;  though  that  very  Fort  alone,  the  Property 
whereof  belong'd  to  him,  was  worth  twice  more  than  all  the 
Debts  he  ow'd.  However,  it  being  impoffible  to  ftop  the 
Mouth  of  our  Enemies,  who  had  no  other  Defign,  but  to 
oblige  us  to  give  over  our  Enterprize,  notwithftanding  the 
Trouble  and  great  Charge  we  had  been  at  for  our  Prepara- 
tions, we  refolv'd  to  wait  with  Patience,  the  Opportunities 
Divine  Providence  would  prefent  us  with,  and  to  purfue  with 
Vigour  and  Conftancy  our  Defign. 

Being  thus  prepar'd  againft  all  Difcouragements,  I  went 
up  in  a  Canou  with  one  of  our  Savages  to  the  [54]  Mouth 
of  the  Lake  Erie,  notwithftanding  the  ftrong  Current  which 
I  mafter'd  with  great  difficulty.  I  founded  the  Mouth  of  the 
Lake,  and  found,  contrary  to  the  Relations  that  had  been 
made  unto  me,  that  a  Ship  with  a  brisk  Gale  might  fail  up  to 
the  Lake,  and  furmount  the  Rapidity  of  the  Current ;  and 
that  therefore  with  a  ftrong  North,  or  North-Eaft  Wind,  we 
might  bring  our  Ship  into  the  Lake  Erie.  I  took  alfo  a  view 
of  the  Banks  of  the  Streight,  and  found  that  in  cafe  of  need 
we  might  put  fome  of  our  Men  a-fhoar  to  hall  the  Ship,  if 
the  Wind  was  not  ftrong  enough. 


96  A  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    XVII. 

The  Author's  Return  to  Fort  Frontenac. 

BEFORE  we  could  go  on  with  our  intended  Difcovery,  I 
was  oblig'd  to  return  to  Fort  Frontenac^  to  bring  along 
with  me  two  Monks  of  my  own  Order,  to  help  me  in  the 
Fundlion  of  my  Miniftry.  I  left  our  Ship  riding  upon  two 
Anchors,  within  a  league  and  a  half  of  the  Lake  Erie^  in  the 
Streight,  between  the  faid  Lake  and  the  great  Fall  of  Niagara. 
Mr.  Charon^  an  Inhabitant  of  Canada^  defir'd  to  go  with  me, 
to  avoid  the  ill  Ufage  he  receiv'd  from  M.  Tontt^  who  was  an 
irreconcileable  Enemy  of  all  the  Subjects  of  the  King  of  Spain, 
having  been,  as  he  thought,  hardly  us'd  by  the  Spaniards,  in 
the  Revolution  of  Naples,  in  which  he  was  concern'd  as  well 
as  his  Father. 

We  embark'd  in  a  Canou  with  one  of  our  Savages,  and 
fell  down  the  Streight  till  we  came  to  the  great  Fall,  where 
we  went  a-fhoar,  and  carry'd  our  Canou  over-land  to  the  Foot 
of  the  great  Rock  already  mention'd,  and  from  thence  we 
continu'd  our  Courfe  to  the  Mouth  of  the  Lake  Ontario, 
where  [55]  we  found  the  Barque  or  Brigantine  we  have 
fpoken  of,  which  the  Sieur  la  Forejl^  had  brought  from  Fort 


^  La  Forest  was  a  lieutenant  under  La  Salle,  who  left  him  in  charge  of  Fort  Fronte- 
nac; La  Forest  remained  there  until  1685,  when  he  joined  Tonty  in  Illinois.  Fiveyears 
later,  these  two  obtained  a  grant  of  Fort  St.  Louis,  and  a  limited  trading-permit  — 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  97 

Frontenac.  M.  la  Foreft  having  fpent  fome  Days  in  that  place 
for  Bartering  his  Commodities  with  the  Natives,  we  embark'd 
on  board  his  Brigantine,  together  with  fifteen  or  fixteen  Sav- 
age Women,  who  took  the  opportunity  to  fail  forty  Leagues 
by  Water,  which  otherwife  they  had  been  oblig'd  to  travel 
a-foot  over-land  through  the  Woods ;  but  they  not  being 
us'd  to  this  way  of  Travelling,  fell  fo  fick,  that  their  vomiting 
created  an  infufferable  Stink  in  our  Ship.  Being  arriv'd  into 
the  River  of  Joueguen,^  M.  la  Foreft  exchang'd  fome  Brandy 
for  Beaver-Skins;  but  I  muft  confefs  this  Commerce  of  Strong- 
Waters  was  never  acceptable  to  me ;  for  if  the  Savages  drink 
but  a  little  too  much  of  that  Liquor,  they  are  worfe  and  more 
dangerous  than  mad  Men.  Having  done  our  Bufinefs  in  that 
Place,  we  fail'd  from  the  Southern  to  the  Northern  Coafls  of 
the  Lake ;  and  the  Wind  being  favourable  we  quickly  pafs'd 
by  the  Village  which  lies  on  the  other  fide  of  Kente  and 
Ganeoujfe,  but  were  becalm'd  not  far  from  Fort  Frontenac, 
which  oblig'd  me  to  get  into  a  Canou  with  two  Savages  to 
manage  it.  We  landed  in  the  Ifland  of  Goilans,^  fo  nam'd 
from  Sea-Fouls  of  that  Name,  who  abound  in  that  Place,  and 
lay  their  Eggs  upon  the  Sand,  where  they  are  hatch'd  by  the 
Heat  of  the  Sun.  I  carry'd  away  along  with  us  four  Baskets 
full  of  them,  which  we  found  very  relifhing  in  Omelets  and 
Pancakes. 


favors  which  were  afterward  revoked,  La  Forest  being  ordered  back  to  Canada.  He 
was  commandant  at  Detroit  from  1710  until  his  death  in  1714. —  Ed. 

^  More  often  written  Chouaguen  ;  the  Oswego  River. —  Ed. 

2  Gull  Island,  according  to  Shea  (in  his  translation  of  Hennepin's  Louisiane,  p.  88, 
note  t). —  Ed. 


9^  A  New  Difcovery  of 

I  was  kindly  receiv'd  by  four  Mifllonarles  of  my  own 
Order  that  I  found  there,  viz.  Father  Gabriel  de  la  Ribourde, 
Luke  Buijfetf  Zenobe  Mambre,  and  Milithon  Watteau,,  all  Natives 
of  the  Spanijh  Netherlands.  They  told  me  that  they  knew  how 
much  I  had  fuffer'd  in  my  MiJJion  during  the  Winter,  and 
chiefly  from  that  Italian  who  deferted  the  Service  of  his  Nat- 
ural Prince,  that  is  Tonti  I  have  already  fpoken  of.  I  [56] 
conceal'd  part  of  the  Difcouragements  I  had  met  with,  becaufe 
I  defign'd  to  engage  Fathers  Gabriel  and  Zenobe  in  our  Voy- 
age, and  alfo  becaufe  I  knew  that  M..  de  la  Salle ^  whofe  Tem- 
per I  was  acquainted  with  by  my  own  Experience,  made  a 
conflant  ufe  of  this  famous  Maxim,  Divide  &'  impera,  to  dif- 
pofe  with  a  greater  facility  of  the  Men  under  him  to  com- 
pafs  his  own  Defigns :  And  having  as  great  a  Paffion  as  he 
to  difcover  fome  New  Countries,  I  thought  it  beft  to  make 
no  Complaints,  which  he  took  very  kindly,  and  receiv'd  me 
in  a  very  obliging  manner. 

That  Gentleman  was  Judicious,  and  of  extraordinary  Parts, 
and  very  defirous  to  make  himfelf  famous  by  fome  New 
Difcoveries,  about  which  we  had  frequent  Conferences.  He 
told  me  feveral  times.  That  he  knew  no  Religious  Order  fo 
fit  as  ours  for  improving  New  Colonies ;  and  he  was  a  very 
good  Judge  in  thofe  Matters,  having  fpent  nine  or  ten  Years 
in  another  Order,  of  which  he  had  difingag'd  himfelf  by  Con- 
fent  of  the  General,^  who  in  the  A61  of  his  Difmiflion  under 
his  own  Hand,  gives  this  noble  Charadler  of  him,  That  he 


1  La  Salle  was  a  pupil  of  the  Jesuits  in  Rouen,  until  his  fifteenth  year  ;  and  became 
a  novice  in  that  order  at  Paris,  Oct.  5,  1658.    Two  years  later,  he  took  the  three  vows 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  99 

had  liv'd  amongft  the  Monks  of  his  Order,  without  giving 
the  leaft  fufpicion  of  Venial  Sin.  Thefe  are  the  very  Words 
of  the  Ad,  for  I  have  perus'd  it  my  felf.  He  likewife  told 
me.  That  being  perfuaded  that  v/e  might  be  very  ufeful  to 
him  in  his  Defigns,  he  was  refolv'd  to  do  fomething  in  favour 
of  our  Order ;  and  having  call'd  us  together  on  the  2'']th  of 
May,  1679,  he  acquainted  us.  That  being  Proprietary  and 
Governor  of  Fort  Frontenac,  he  would  order  in  his  Will,  That 
no  other  religious  Order  but  ours,  fhould  be  fuffer'd  to  fettle 
themfelves  near  the  Fort ;  he  afterwards  mark'd  out  a  Church- 
yard ;  and  having  created  a  publick  Notary,  he  order'd  him 
to  draw  up  an  Inftrument,  whereby  the  faid  M.  la  Salle  gave 
to  our  Order  the  Property  of  Eighteen  Acres  of  Ground 
[57]  along  the  fide  of  the  Lake  Ontario  near  the  Fort,  and 
above  a  Hundred  Acres  more  in  the  next  Foreft  to  be  clear'd 
and  grubb'd  up.  We  accepted  this  Gift  in  the  Name  of 
our  Order,  and  fign'd  the  Deed,  which  was  the  firft  that 
ever  was  tranfadled  in  that  Country.  The  Notary's  Name 
was  la  Meterie. 

This  being  done,  he  defir'd  thofe  Francifcans  that  were  to 
come  with  me,  to  prepare  themfelves  for  their  Voyage ;  but 
the  Wind  being  againft  us,  we  had  a  fufficient  time  for  it,  and 
to  take  our  Meafures  concerning  our  dangerous  Miilion. 
We  made  frequent  Vifits  to  the  Savages,  whom  we  had  per- 
fuaded to  fettle  themfelves  near  the  Fort,  who,  together  with 


of  a  Jesuit,  assumed  the  name  of  Ignatius,  and  was  known  in  the  order  as  Frere  Rob- 
ert Ign  ace.  .  .  .  On  March  28,  1667,  he  left  the  order,  and  departed  from  the  college 
at  La  Fleche;  he  did  not  go  to  Canada  until  1668. — Jes.  Relations,  Ix,  pp.  319-320. 


loo  A  New  Difcovery  of 

their  Children,  whom  we  had  taught  to  read  and  write, 
lamented  much  our  Departure;  and  affur'd  us.  That  if  we  did 
return  in  a  fhort  time,  they  would  perfuade  the  reft  of  the 
Inhabitants  of  the  Village  of  Ganeoujfe,  to  come  and  fettle 
themfelves  in  the  Neighbourhood  of  the  Fort. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  loi 


CHAP.    XVIII. 

An  Account  of  our  Second  Embarkment  from  Fort  Frontenac. 

AFTER  fome  few  Days,  the  Wind  coming  fair,  Fathers 
Gabriely  Zenobe^  and  I,  went  on  board  the  Brigantine, 
and  in  a  fhort  time  arriv'd  in  the  River  of  the  Tfonnontouans,^ 
which  runs  into  the  Lake  Ontario,  where  we  continu'd  feveral 
Days,  our  Men  being  very  bufie  in  bartering  their  Commo- 
dities with  the  Natives,  who  flock'd  in  great  numbers  about 
us  to  fee  our  Brigantine,  which  they  admir'd,  and  to  ex- 
change their  Skins  for  Knives,  Guns,  Powder  and  Shot,  but 
efpecially  for  Brandy,  which  they  love  above  all  things.  In 
the  mean  time,  we  had  built  a  fmall  Cabin  of  Barks  of  Trees 
about  [58]  half  a  League  in  the  Woods,  to  perform  Divine 
Service  therein  without  interruption,  and  waited  till  all  our 
Men  had  done  their  Bufinefs.  M.  la  Salle  arriv'd  in  a  Canou 
about  eight  Days  after;  he  had  taken  his  courfe  by  the  South- 
ern Coaft  of  the  Lake,  to  go  to  the  Village  of  the  Tfomtontouans, 
to  whom  he  made  feveral  Prefents  to  engage  them  in  our 
Intereft,  and  remove  the  Jealoufie  they  had  conceiv'd  of  our 
Undertaking,  through  the  Suggeftions  of  our  Enemies.     All 


1  Irondequoit  Creek,  which  flows  into  Irondequoit  Bay,  a  little  east  of  the  Genesee 
River. —  Ed. 


I02  A  New  Difcovery  of 

thefe  Impediments  retarded  us  fo  long,  that  we  could  not 
reach  the  River  Niagara  before  the  30th  of  July. 

On  the  4th  of  the  faid  Month,  I  went  over-land  to  the 
Fall  of  Niagara^  with  a  Serjeant  call'd  la  Fleur,  and  thence 
to  our  Dock  within  fix  Leagues  of  the  Lake  Ontario  ;  but  we 
did  not  find  there  the  Ship  we  had  built :  And  met  with  a 
new  Misforturne ;  for  two  young  Savages  robb'd  us  of  the 
Bisket  we  had  for  our  fubfiftance,  which  reduc'd  us  to  great 
Extremity.  We  found  at  laft  a  half  rotten  Canou  without 
Oars,  which  we  mended  as  well  as  we  could ;  and  having 
made  an  Oar,  we  ventur'd  our  felves  in  that  weak  and  fhat- 
ter'd  Canou,  and  went  up  the  Streight  to  look  for  our  Ship, 
which  we  found  riding  within  a  league  of  the  pleafant  Lake 
Erie.  We  were  very  kindly  receiv'd,  and  likewife  very  glad  to 
find  our  Ship  well  rigg'd,  and  ready  fitted  out  with  all  the 
NecefTaries  for  failing.  She  carry'd  five  fmall  Guns,  two 
whereof  were  Brafs,  and  three  Harquebuze  a-crock.^  The 
Beak-head  was  adorn'd  with  a  flying  Griffin,  and  an  Eagle 
above  it;  and  the  reft  of  the  Ship  had  the  fame  Ornaments 
as  Men  of  War  ufe  to  have. 

The  Iroquefe  were  then  returning  from  a  Warlike  Expe- 
dition with  feveral  Slaves,  and  were  much  furpriz'd  to  fee  fo 
big  a  Ship,  which  they  compar'd  to  a  Fort,  beyond  their 
Limits.  Several  came  on  board,  and  feem'd  to  admire  above 
all  things  the  bignefs  of  [59]  our  Anchors;  for  they  could  not 
apprehend  how  we  had  been  able  to  bring  them  through  the 


^  Fr.  a  croc  ;  that  is,  with  a  prop  or  support. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  103 

rapid  Currents  of  the  River  St.  Laurence.  This  oblig'd  them 
to  ufe  often  the  Word  Gannorom,  which  in  their  Language 
fignifies,  That  is  wonderful.  They  wonder'd  alfo  to  find 
there  a  Ship,  having  feen  none  when  they  went;  and  did  not 
know  from  whence  it  came,  it  being  about  250  Leagues  from 
Canada. 

Having  forbid  the  Pilot  to  attempt  to  fail  up  the  Cur- 
rents of  the  Streight  till  farther  order,  we  return'd  the  i6th 
and  17th  to  the  Lake  Ontario,  and  brought  up  our  Bark  to 
the  great  Rock  of  Niagara,  and  anchor'd  at  the  foot  of  the 
three  Mountains,^  where  we  were  oblig'd  to  make  our  Port- 
age;  that  is,  to  carry  over-land  our  Canou's  and  Provilions, 
and  other  Things,  above  the  great  Fall  of  the  River,  which 
interrupts  the  Navigation :  And  becaufe  moft  of  the  Rivers 
of  that  Country  are  interrupted  with  great  Rocks,  and  that 
therefore  thofe  who  fail  upon  the  fame,  are  oblig'd  to  go 
over-land  above  thofe  Falls,  and  carry  upon  their  Backs  their 
Canou's  and  other  Things.  They  exprefs  it  with  this  Word, 
To  make  our  Portage ;  of  which  the  Reader  is  defir'd  to  take 
notice,  for  otherwife  the  following  Account,  as  well  as  the 
Map,  would  be  unintilligible  to  many. 

Father  Gabriel,  though  of  Sixty  five  Years  of  Age,  bore 
with  great  Vigour  the  Fatigue  of  that  Voyage,  and  went 
thrice  up  and  down  thofe  three  Mountains,  which  are  pretty 
high  and  fteep.     Our  Men  had  a  great  deal  of  trouble;  for 

^This  term  refers  to  the  three  grades  of  the  acclivity  opposite  the  "  great  rock  " 
(p.  31,  note  2,  ante),  which  stands  at  the  foot  of  the  rapids  above  Lewiston,  Ont. 
The  triple  ascent  on  the  east  shore  formed  the  portage,  or  carrying-place,  of  travelers 
around  the  Falls.     See  Parkman's  La  Salle,  p.  132,  note. —  Ed, 


I04  A  New  Difcovery  of 

they  were  oblig'd  to  make  feveral  Turns  to  carry  the  Pro- 
vifions  and  Ammunition,  and  the  Portage  was  two  Leagues 
long.  Our  Anchors  were  fo  big,  that  four  Men  had  much 
ado  to  carry  one ;  but  the  Brandy  we  gave  them  was  fuch  an 
Encouragement,  that  they  furmounted  cheerfully  all  the  Diffi- 
culties of  that  Journey ;  and  fo  we  got  on  board  our  [60] 
Ship  all  our  Provifions,  Ammunitions,  and  Commodities. 

While  we  continu'd  there,  M.  la  Salle  told  me.  That  he 
underftood  by  fome  of  our  Men,  that  I  very  much  blam'd 
the  Intrigues  of  fome  Monks  of  Canada  with  the  Iroquefe, 
and  their  Neighbours  of  New-York  and  New-Orange ;  which 
oblig'd  me  in  his  prefence,  to  tell  my  Brethren  the  Francifcans, 
That  I  perceiv'd  that  M.  la  Salle  was  minded  to  furprize  me, 
and  oblige  me  to  revile  fome  Perfons,  whom  he  reprefented 
as  Traders  and  Merchants ;  and  then  abating  fomewhat  of 
my  Tone,  I  concluded,  That  notwithftanding  the  falfe  Re- 
ports that  had  been  made  to  him,  I  would  entertain  a  good 
Opinion  of  thofe  very  Perfons  whom  he  defign'd  to  make 
my  Enemies;  and  that  I  wou'd  rather  give  over  our  Enter- 
prize  than  be  impos'd  upon  at  that  rate.  This  vigourous 
Anfwer  furpriz'd  M.  la  Salle,  who  told  me,  That  he  was  per- 
fuaded  that  thofe  who  had  made  him  thofe  Reports,  were  not 
honeft  Men ;  and  that  therefore  he  would  take  all  imaginable 
care  of  my  Perfon  during  the  Voyage,  and  efpoufe  my  In- 
tereft  on  all  occafions.  He  was  indeed  afraid  that  I  fhould 
leave  him,  which  had  been  a  great  difappointment  to  his 
Affairs;  for  Father  Gabriel  would  have  left  him  alfo.  That 
good  Man  was  come  with  us  without  any  leave  of  his  Superi- 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  105 

our,  only  upon  a  Letter  from  the  Provincial  Commiffioner  of 
Canada,  whofe  Name  was  Valentin  le  Roux,  wherein  he  told 
M.  la  Salle,  that  the  faid  Father  Gabriel  might  go  along  with 
him.  However,  he  did  not  believe  that  he  would  do  fo 
without  an  Order  in  Writing ;  and  for  that  reafon  came,  fome 
Days  after  our  departure,  to  Fort  Frontenac,  where  M.  la 
Salle  obtain'd  that  Order  from  him,  for  fear  of  being  accus'd 
to  have  expos'd  a  Man  of  that  Age  to  fo  dangerous  a  Voyage, 
in  which  he  was  like  to  perifh,  as  really  he  did,  as  we  (hall 
fee  by  and  by. 

[61]  M.  la  Salle  underftanding  that  I  and  the  faid  Father 
Gabriel,  were  gone  to  view  the  great  Fall  of  Niagara,  he  came 
to  us  with  fome  Refrefhments  to  reconcile  himfelf  with  me, 
and  prevent  my  return  to  Canada.  He  met  with  no  great 
difficulty ;  for  the  great  defire  I  had  to  difcover  a  New  Coun- 
try, made  me  very  eafie ;  fo  that  we  return'd  on  board  our 
Ship  in  the  beginning  oi  Atiguft,  1679. 


io6  A  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    XIX. 

An  Account  of  our  Third  Embarkment  from  the  Mouth  of  the 
Lake  Erie. 

WE  have  already  obferv'd,  that  the  Spaniards  were  the 
firft  Difcoverers  of  Canada^  and  that  the  Recollects  are 
the  firft  Religious  Order,  who  attended  the  French  Colonies 
in  that  Country.  Thofe  Good  Men  liv'd  in  great  Friendlhip 
with  the  Savages  call'd  Hurons,  by  whom  they  underftood 
that  the  Iroquefe  made  frequent  Excurfions  beyond  Virginia 
and  New-Sweden^  near  a  great  Lake,  from  whence  they 
brought  a  great  many  Slaves ;  which  gave  occafion  to  the 
Hurons  to  call  that  Lake  Erige,  or  Erike ;  that  is  to  fay,  the 
Lake  of  the  Cat.  The  Inhabitants  of  Canada  have  foftned 
that  Word,  and  call  it  Erie^  as  we  have  already  obferv'd. 

We  endeavour' d  feveral  times  to  fail  up  that  Lake ;  but 
the  Wind  being  not  ftrong  enough,  we  were  forc'd  to  wait 
for  it.  In  the  mean  time,  M.  la  Salle  caus'd  our  Men  to 
grub  up  fome  Land,  and  fow  feveral  forts  of  Pot-Herbs  and 
Pulfe,  for  the  conveniency  of  thofe  who  fhould  fettle  them- 
felves  there,  to  maintain  our  Correfpondence  with  Fort  Fron- 
tenac.  We  found  there  a  great  quantity  of  wild  Cherries  and 
Rocambole  a  fort  of  GarHck,  which  grow  naturally  in  that 
Ground.   We  left  Father  Melithon,  with  [62]  fome  Work-men, 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  107 

at  our  Habitation  above  the  Fall  of  Niagara;  and  moft  of 
our  Men  went  a-fhoar  to  lighten  our  Ships,  the  better  to  fall 
up  the  Lake. 

The  Wind  veering  to  the  North-Eaft,  and  the  Ship  being 
well  provided,  we  made  all  the  Sail  we  could,  and  with  the 
help  of  Twelve  Men  who  hall'd  from  the  Shoar,  overcame  the 
Rapidity  of  the  Current,  and  got  up  into  the  Lake.  The 
Stream  is  fo  violent,  that  our  Pilot  himfelf  defpair'd  of  Suc- 
cefs.  When  it  was  done,  we  fung  Te  Deum,  and  difcharg'd 
our  Cannon  and  other  Fire-Arms,  in  prefence  of  a  great  many 
Iroquefe,  who  came  from  a  WarHke  Expedition  againfl  the 
Savages  of  Tintonha  ;  that  Is  to  fay,  the  Nation  of  the  Mead- 
ows^^  who  live  above  four  hundred  Leagues  from  that  Place. 
The  Iroquefe  and  their  Prifoners  were  much  furprlz'd  to  fee 
us  In  the  Lake,  and  did  not  think  before  that,  we  fhould  be 
able  to  overcome  the  Rapidity  of  the  Current:  They  cry'd 
feveral  times  Gannorom,  to  fhew  their  Admiration.  Some  of 
the  Iroquefe  had  taken  the  meafure  of  our  Ship,  and  Immedi- 
ately went  for  New-York,  to  give  notice  to  the  EngUfli  and 
Dutch  of  our  failing  Into  the  Lake  :  For  thofe  Nations  afford- 
ing their  Commodities  cheaper  than  the  French,  are  alfo  more 
belov'd  by  the  Natives. 

On  the  7th  of  Augufl,  1679,  we  went  on  board,  being  In 
all  four  and  thirty  Men,  including  two  Recollects  who  came  to 


^The  Teton  orTi'-to"-wa"  ("  Prairie  dwellers"),  a  Sioiian  tribe,  a  branch  of  the 
Dakota  confederacy.  Early  Siouan  traditions  indicate  that  the  Teton  took  possession 
of  the  Black  Hills  region  long  before  white  men  came  among  them  ;  at  present,  they 
are  located  on  reservations  in  both  North  and  South  Dakota.  See  W.  J.  McGee's 
"Siouan  Indians,"  in  U.  S.  Bur.  Ethnol.  Rep.,  1893-94,  pp.  160,  190. —  Ed. 


io8  A  New  Difcovery  of 

us,  and  fail'd  from  the  Mouth  of  the  Lake  Erie,  fteering  our 
Courfe  Weft-South-Weft,  with  a  favourable  Wind ;  and  though 
the  Enemies  of  our  Difcovery  had  given  out,  on  purpofe  to 
deterr  us  from  our  Enterprize,  That  the  Lake  Erie  was  full  of 
Rocks  and  Sands,  which  render'd  the  Navigation  impradica- 
ble,  we  run  above  twenty  Leagues  during  the  Night,  though 
we  founded  all  that  while.  The  next  Day  the  Wind  being 
more  favourable,  we  made  above  five  and  forty  Leagues, 
keeping  at  an  equal  diftance  from  the  Banks  of  the  Lake, 
and  doubled  a  [63]  Cape  to  the  Weft-ward,  which  we  call'd 
the  Cape  of  St.  Francis.  The  next  Day  we  doubled  two 
other  Capes,^  and  met  with  no  manner  of  Rocks  or  Sands. 
We  difcover'd  a  pretty  large  Ifland  towards  the  South- Weft, 
about  feven  or  eight  Leagues  from  the  Northern  Coaft ;  that 
Ifland  faces  the  Streight  that  comes  from  the  Lake  Huron. 

The  loth,  very  early  in  the  Morning,  we  pafs'd  between 
that  Ifland  and  7  or  8  leflTer  ones ;  and  having  fail'd  near  an- 
other, which  is  nothing  but  Sand,  to  the  Weft  of  the  Lake, 
we  came  to  an  Anchor  at  the  Mouth  of  the  Streight,  which 
runs  from  the  Lake  Huron  into  that  of  Erie.  The  nth,  we 
went  farther  into  the  Streight,  and  pafs'd  between  two  fmall 
Iflands,  which  make  one  of  the  fineft  Profpeds  in  the  World. 
This  Streight  is  finer  than  that  of  Niagara,  being  thirty 
Leagues  long,  and  every-where  one  League  broad,  except  in 
the  middle,  which  is  wider,  forming  the  Lake  we  have  call'd 
St.  Claire.    The  Navigation  is  eafie  on  both  fides,  the  Coaft 


^  Hennepin's  "  Cape  St.  Francis  "  was  probably  the  "  Long  Point  "  of  to-day;  and 
the  other  two,  the  projections  now  known  as  Pointe  aux  Pins  and  Pointe  Pelee. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  109 

being  low  and  even.      It  runs  diredlly  from  North  to  South. 

The  Country  between  thofe  two  Lakes  is  very  well  fitu- 
ated,  and  the  Soil  very  fertile.  The  Banks  of  the  Streight 
are  vaft  Meadows,  and  the  Profpedl  is  terminated  with  fome 
Hills  covered  with  Vineyards,  Trees  bearing  good  Fruit, 
Groves,  and  Forefts,  fo  well  difpos'd,  that  one  would  think 
Nature  alone  could  not  have  made,  without  the  Help  of  Art, 
fo  charming  a  Profpedl.  That  Country  is  ftock'd  with  Stags, 
Wild-Goats,^  and  Bears,  which  are  good  for  Food,  and  not 
fierce  as  in  other  Countries ;  fome  think  they  are  better  than 
our  Pork.  Turkey-Cocks  and  Swans  are  there  alfo  very 
common ;  and  our  Men  brought  feveral  other  Beafts  and 
Birds,  whofe  Names  are  unknown  to  us,  but  they  are  extraor- 
dinary relifhing. 

[64]  The  Forefts  are  chiefly  made  up  of  Walnut-trees, 
Chefnut-trees,  Plum-trees,  and  Pear-trees,  loaded  with  their 
own  Fruit  and  Vines.  There  is  alfo  abundance  of  Timber  fit 
for  Building ;  fo  that  thofe  whofe  who  fhall  be  fo  happy  as 
to  inhabit  that  Noble  Country,  cannot  but  remember  with 
Gratitude  thofe  who  have  difcover'd  the  way,  by  venturing  to 
fail  upon  an  unknown  Lake  for  above  one  hundred  Leagues. 
That  charming  Streight  lies  between  40  and  41  Degrees  of 
Northern  Latitude. 


^  Probably  small  deer. —  Ed, 


no  A  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    XX. 

An  Account  of  what  hapned  in  our  Pajfage  from  the  Lake  Erie, 
unto  the  Lake  Huron. 

I  HAD  often  advis'd  M.  la  Salle  to  make  a  Settlement  upon 
the  Streight,  between  the  Lake  Erie  and  Ontario,  where 
the  Fifhery  is  more  plentiful ;  for  that  Settlement  would  have 
been  very  advantageous  to  us,  to  maintain  our  Communica- 
tion with  Fort  Frontenac.  I  told  him  alfo,  that  it  were  fit  to 
leave  in  that  Settlement  the  Smith  he  and  M.  la  Motte  had 
promis'd  to  the  Iroquefe ;  and  that  it  would  be  a  means  to 
engage  that  wild  Nation  in  our  Intereft,  and  to  trade  only 
with  us,  whereby  he  would  grow  rich  in  a  little  time :  But 
M.  la  Salle,  and  the  Adventurers  who  were  with  him,  would 
not  hearken  to  my  Advice ;  and  told  me,  that  they  would 
make  no  Settlement  within  lOO  Leagues  of  their  Fort,  left 
other  Europeans  fhould  get  before  them  into  the  Country 
they  were  going  to  difcover.  This  was  their  Pretence ;  but 
I  foon  obferv'd  that  their  Intention  was  to  buy  all  the  Furrs 
and  Skins  of  the  remoteft  Savages,  who,  as  they  thought,  did 
not  know  their  Value ;  and  fo  inrich  themfelves  in  one  fmgle 
Voyage. 

l^)^"]  I  endeavour'd  alfo  to  perfwade  him  to  make  a  Settle- 
ment upon  this  charming  Streight ;  for  being  in  the  midft  of 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  in 

fo  many  Nations  of  Savages,  we  could  not  but  have  a  good 
Trade  amongft  them.  This  was  the  Argument  I  made  ufe 
of;  but  the  main  Reafon,  which  I  kept  to  my  felf,  was  to 
have  an  Opportunity  to  preach  the  Gofpel  to  thofe  ignorant 
Nations.  M.  la  Salle  would  by  no  means  hearken  to  my 
Advice,  and  told  me  he  wonder'd  at  my  Propofal,  confidering 
the  great  PafTion  I  had  a  few  Months  before  for  the  Dif- 
covery  of  a  New  Country. 

The  Current  of  that  Streight  is  very  violent,  but  not  half 
fo  much  as  that  of  Niagara;  and  therefore  we  fail'd  up  with 
a  brisk  Gale,  and  got  into  the  Streight  between  the  Lake 
Huron,  and  the  Lake  St.  Claire;  this  laft  is  very  fhallow,  efpe- 
cially  at  its  Mouth.  The  Lake  Huron  falls  into  this  of  St. 
Claire  by  feveral  Canals,  which  are  commonly  interrupted  by 
Sands  and  Rocks.  We  founded  all  of  them,  and  found  one 
at  laft  about  one  League  broad  without  any  Sands,  its  Depth 
being  every  where  from  three  to  eight  Fathoms  Water.  We 
fail'd  up  that  Canal,  but  were  forc'd  to  drop  our  Anchors 
near  the  Mouth  of  the  Lake  ;  for  the  extraordinary  quantity 
of  Waters  which  came  down  from  the  upper  Lake,  and  that 
of  Illinois,  becaufe  of  a  ftrong  North- Weft  Wind,  had  fo  much 
augmented  the  Rapidity  of  the  Current  of  this  Streight,  that 
it  was  as  violent  as  that  of  Niagara. 

The  Wind  turning  Southerly,  we  fail'd  again ;  and  with 
the  help  of  twelve  Men,  who  hall'd  our  Ship  from  the  Shoar, 
got  fafely  the  23th  of  Aiignft  into  the  Lake  Huron.  We 
fung  Te  Deum  a  fecond  time,  to  return  our  Thanks  to  the 
Almighty  for  our  happy  Navigation.    We  found  in  that  Lake 


112  A  New  Difcovery  of 

a  large  Bay,  the  Banks  of  which  the  ancient  Hurons  inhabited.^ 
They  were  converted  to  the  Chriftian  Religion  [^66]  by  the 
firft  Francijcans  that  came  into  Canada^;  but  the  Iroquefe  have 
in  a  great  meafure  deftroy'd  that  Nation. 


1  Georgian  Bay,  which  is  separated  from  Lake  Huron  by  the  Manitoulin  and  other 
islands. —  Ed. 

2  The  Recollet  missionaries  began  a  mission  to  the  Hurons  in  1623  ;  but  their  feeble 
resources,  and  thevastness  of  the  field,  led  them  to  call  upon  the  Jesuits  for  aid.  The 
latter  order  made  prompt  response,  and  sent  thither  missionaries  in  1626  ;  but  all  the 
missionaries  were  by  the  English  conquerors  deported  to  France  in  1629,  and  it  was 
the  Jesuits  alone  who  later  evangelized  all  the  Huron  tribes.  Their  work  is  ignored 
by  Hennepin. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  113 


CHAP.    XXI. 

An  Account  of  our  Navigation  on  the  Lake.  Huron  to  Miflili- 
makinak. 

HAVING  thus  travell'd  above  300  Leagues  from  Quebec 
to  the  Lake  Huron,  notwithftanding  the  rapid  Currents 
and  Lakes  we  went  through,  we  continu'd  our  Voyage  from 
the  Mouth  of  this  Lake,  fteering  our  Courfe  North-North- 
Eaft ;  but  the  next  day,  finding  our  felves  near  the  Land,  we 
fteer'd  North-North-Weft,  and  crofs'd  a  Bay  call'd  Sakinam,^ 
which  may  be  thirty  Leagues  broad.  The  24th,  we  run  the 
fame  Courfe,  but  were  becalm'd  between  fome  Iflands,  where 
we  found  but  two  Fathoms  Water,  which  oblig'd  us  to  make 
an  eafie  fail  part  of  the  Night,  to  look  for  a  good  Anchorage, 
but  in  vain ;  and  the  Wind  turning  then  Wefterly,  we  bore  to 
the  North,  to  avoid  the  Coaft  till  the  Day  appear'd.  We 
founded  all  the  Night  long,  becaufe  our  Pilot,  though  a  very 
underftanding  Man,  was  fomewhat  negligent.  The  25th,  we 
lay  becalm'd  till  Noon,  but  then  run  North- Weft  with  a  brisk 
Southerly  Gale.  The  Wind  turning  South-Weft,  we  bore  to 
the  North  to  double  a  Cape;  but  then  the  Wind  grew  fo 
violent,  that  we  were  forc'd  to  lie  by  all  the  Night.  The 
26th,  the   Storm   continuing,   we   brought   down   our    Main 


^  Saginaw,  the  large  bay  on  the  western  side  of  Lake  Huron. —  Ed. 
8 


114  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Yards  and  Top-Maft,  and  let  the  Ship  drive  at  the  Mercy  of 
the  Wind,  knowing  no  place  to  run  into  to  fhelter  our  felves. 
yi.la  Salle,  notwithftanding  he  was  a  Courageous  Man,  began 
to  fear,  and  told  us  we  were  undone ;  and  therefore  every 
body  fell  upon  his  Knees  to  fay  his  Prayers,  [67]  and  prepare 
himfelf  for  Death,  except  our  Pilot,  whom  we  could  never 
oblige  to  pray ;  and  he  did  nothing  all  that  while  but  curfe 
and  fwear  againft  M.  la  Salle,  who,  as  he  faid,  had  brought 
him  thither  to  make  him  perifh  in  a  nafty  Lake,  and  lofe  the 
Glory  he  had  acquir'd  by  his  long  and  happy  Navigations  on 
the  Ocean.  However,  the  Wind  being  fomewhat  abated,  we 
hoifted  up  our  Sail,  and  fo  we  drove  not  above  two  Leagues. 
The  27th,  in  the  Morning,  we  continu'd  our  Courfe  North- 
Weft  with  a  South-Eaft  Wind,  which  carry 'd  us  the  fame  Day 
to  Miffilimakinak,  where  we  anchor'd  in  a  Bay  at  fix  Fathoms 
Water,  upon  a  flimy  white  Bottom.  That  Bay  is  fhelter'd 
by  the  Coaft,  and  a  Bank  lying  from  the  South-Weft  to  the 
North ;  but  it  lies  expos'd  to  the  South  Winds,  which  are 
very  violent  in  that  Country. 

Miffilimakinak  is  a  Neck  of  Land  to  the  North  of  the 
Mouth  of  the  Streight,  through  which  the  Lake  of  the 
Illinois  difcharges  it  felf  into  the  Lake  Huron}  That  Canal 
is  about  three  Leagues  long,  and  one  broad.  About  fifteen 
Leagues  to  the  Eaftward  of  Miffilimakinak,  there  is  another 
Point  at  the  Mouth  of  the  Streight,  whereby  the  upper  Lake 

^  Reference  is  evidently  made  here,  not  to  the  island,  but  to  that  projection  of  the 
north  shore  which  lies  between  East  Moran  and  West  Moran  Bays,  and  terminates  in 
Pointe  la  Barbe.  At  the  western  end  of  East  Moran  Bay  is  the  present  village  of  St. 
Ignace ;  here  must  have  been  their  anchorage. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  115 

runs  into  that  of  Huron  ;  which  Streight  is  about  five  Leagues 
broad  at  its  Mouth,  and  about  fifteen  Leagues  long';  but  it 
grows  narrow  towards  the  Fall  of  St.  Mary,  which  is  a  rapid 
Stream  interrupted  by  feveral  Rocks.  However  a  Canow 
may  go  up  by  one  fide,  but  it  requires  a  great  Fatigue ;  and 
therefore  the  fafeft  and  eafieft  way  is  to  make  a  Portage 
above  the  Fall,  to  go  and  trade  with  the  Savages  inhabiting 
the  Banks  of  the  upper  Lake. 

We  lay  between  two  different  Nations  of  Savages ;  thofe 
who  inhabit  the  Point  of  Mijfilimakinak  are  called  Hurons,  and 
the  others,  who  are  about  three  or  four  Leagues  more  North- 
ward, are  Outtaoiiatz}  Thofe  Savages  were  equally  furpriz'd 
to  fee  [68]  a  Ship  in  their  Country;  and  the  Noife  of  our 
Cannon,  of  which  we  made  a  general  Difcharge,  fill'd  them 
with  great  aftonlfhment.  We  went  to  fee  the  Outtaoiiatz,  and 
celebrated  Mafs  in  their  Habitation.  M.  la  Salle  was  finely 
drefs'd,  having  a  Scarlet  Cloak  with  a  broad  Gold  Lace,  and 
moft  of  his  Men  with  their  Arms  attended  him.  The  Chief 
Captains  of  that  People  receiv'd  us  with  great  Civilities  after 
their  own  way,  and  fome  of  them  came  on  board  with  us  to 
fee  our  Ship,  which  rode  all  that  while  in  the  Bay  or  Creek 
I  have  fpoken  of.     It  was  a  diverting  Profpedl  to  fee  every 

^  A  name  (with  many  variants) ,  anglicized  as  Ottawas,  originally  signifying  ' '  for- 
est dwellers,"  referringto  a  sedentary  Algonquian  tribe  whom  Champlain  found  (1615) 
at  the  southern  end  of  Georgian  Bay.  During  the  seventeenth  century  they  gradually 
migrated,  retreating  before  the  Iroquois,  to  the  mainland  north  of  Georgian  Bay,  by 
way  of  the  Manitoulin  Islands.  Many  Hurons,  after  the  dispersion  of  their  nation 
(1649-50)  took  refuge  among  the  Ottawas.  Various  bands  of  Ottawas  still  reside  in 
Michigan  and  Ontario,  especially  on  Manitoulin  Island.  Full  accounts  of  this  people 
and  their  early  history  are  given  in  Jes.  Relations  (see  Index,  art.  Ottawas) . —  Ed. 


ii6  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Day  above  fixfcore  Canou's  about  it,  and  the  Savages  flaring 
and  admiring  that  fine  Woodden  Canou,  as  they  call'd  it. 
They  brought  us  abundance  of  Whitings,  and  fome  Trouts 
of  50  and  60  pound  Weight. 

We  went  the  next  Day  to  pay  a  Vifit  to  the  Hurons,  who 
inhabit  a  rifing  Ground  on  a  Neck  of  Land  over-againft 
Miffilimakinak.  Their  Villages  are  fortifi'd  with  Pallifado's 
of  25  foot  high,  and  always  fituated  upon  Eminences  or  Hills. 
They  receiv'd  us  with  more  Refpedl  than  the  Oiittaouatz^  for 
they  made  a  triple  Difcharge  of  all  the  fmall  Guns  they  had, 
having  learn'd  from  fome  Europeans^  that  it  is  the  greateft 
Civility  amongft  us.  However,  they  took  fuch  a  Jealoufie  to 
our  Ship,  that,  as  we  underftood  fince,  they  endeavour'd  to 
make  our  Expedition  odious  to  all  the  Nations  about  them. 

The  Hurons  and  Outtaoiiatz  are  in  Confederacy  together 
againft  the  Iroquefe  their  Common  Enemy.  They  fow  Indian 
Corn,  which  is  their  ordinary  Food  ;  for  they  have  nothing 
elfe  to  live  upon,  except  fome  Fifh  they  take  in  the  Lakes. 
They  boil  it  with  their  Sagamittee,  which  is  a  kind  of  Broth 
made  with  Water  and  the  Flour  of  the  Corn,  which  they 
beat  in  a  Mortar,  made  of  the  Trunk  of  a  Tree,  which  they 
make  hollow  with  Fire. 

[69]  There  is  another  Settlement  of  Savages  near  the  Fall 
of  St.  Mary.  The  French  call  them  Leapers,  becaufe  they  live 
near  that  great  Fall  which  they  call  a  Leap.^    Thefe  fubfift 


1  A  poor  translation  of  sault,  a  "  fall  of  water,"  and  Sauteurs,  "  dwellers  at  the 
Sault,"  the  French  appellation  of  the  Ojibwas  (more  commonly  known  as  Chippe- 
was). —  Ed. 


a  Lar^e  Country  in  AmGYica.  117 

together  by  Hunting  Staggs,  Elks,  Beavers,  and  other 
Beafts,  as  alfo  upon  the  Whitings  we  have  already  fpoken 
of;  who  are  taken  with  fo  much  difficulty  in  this  Place,  that 
none  but  themfelves  are  able  to  catch  any.  They  fow  no 
Indian  Corn,  becaufe  of  the  thick  Fogs  that  are  commonly 
on  the  Banks  of  the  upper  Lake,  which  ftifle  Corn  before 
it  grows. 

Mijfilimakinak  and  the  Fall  of  St.  Mary,  are  the  two  moft 
confiderable  Paffages  that  all  the  Savages  have  of  the  Weft 
and  North ;  for  there  are  above  two  hundred  Canou's  that 
come  through  thefe  Faffes  every  Year,  to  carry  their  Com- 
modities to  the  French  at  Montreal  below  Fort  Frontenac. 

Our  Enterprize  had  been  very  fuccefsful  hitherto ;  and 
we  had  reafon  to  expedl,  that  every  body  would  have  con- 
tributed to  carry  on  vigoroufly  our  great  Defign  to  promote 
the  Glory  of  God,  as  well  as  the  Good  of  our  Colonies : 
However,  fome  of  our  own  Men  oppos'd  it  as  much  as  they 
could ;  they  reprefented  us  to  the  Outtoauats  and  their  Neigh- 
bours as  dangerous  and  ambitious  Adventurers,  who  de- 
fign'd  to  engrofs  all  the  Trade  of  Furrs  and  Skins,  and  invade 
their  Liberty,  the  only  thing  which  is  dear  to  that  People. 
The  fifteen  Men  that  M.  la  Salle  had  fent  before  him,  had 
been  feduc'd  and  almoft  drawn  from  his  Service.  The  Goods 
which  he  had  given  them  to  exchange  with  the  Natives,  were 
diffipated  and  wafted ;  and  inftead  of  advancing  as  far  as  the 
Illinois,  as  they  were  order'd,  they  remain'd  amongft  the 
Hurons,  notwithftanding  the  Exhortations  and  the  Prayers  of 
M.  Tonti  who  Commanded  them. 


ii8  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Our  Men  went  into  the  Country  to  trade  with  the  Na- 
tives, and  engag'd  themfelves  too  far;  fo  that  they  did  not 
return  to  Mtffilimakinak  till  November :  [70]  M.  la  Salle  being 
told  that  the  Winds  made  the  Navigation  of  the  Lake  very 
dangerous  in  the  beginning  of  the  Winter,  refolv'd  to  con- 
tinue his  Voyage  without  tarrying  any  longer  for  the  return 
of  his  Men. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  119 


CHAP.    XXII. 

An  Account  of  our  Sailing  from  Miflilimakinak,  into  the  Lake  of 
the  Illinois. 

ON  the  2d  of  September  we  weigh'd  Anchor,  and  fail'd 
into  the  Lake  of  the  Illinois ;  and  came  to  an  Ifland  juft 
at  the  Mouth  of  the  Bay  of  the  Ptians,  lying  about  forty 
Leagues  from  Miffilimakinak :  It  is  inhabited  by  fome  Sav- 
ages of  the  Nation  call'd  Poutouatami^s,^  with  whom  fome  of 
the  Men  M.  la  Salle  had  fent  the  Year  before,  had  barter'd 
a  great  quantity  of  Furrs  and  Skins.  We  found  our  Men  in 
the  Ifland,  who  began  to  be  very  impatient,  having  fo  long 
waited  our  arrival. 

The  chief  of  that  Nation  had  been  formerly  in  Canada, 
and  had  an  extraordinary  Refpedt  for  Count  Frontenac,  who 
was  Governour  thereof;  and  upon  that  account  receiv'd  us 
with  all  the  civility  imaginable,  and  caus'd  his  Men  to  dance 
the  Calumet,  or  Pipe,  before  us.  This  is  a  piece  of  Civility 
we  fhall  defcribe  anon.  Our  Ship  was  riding  in  the  Bay 
about  thirty  Paces  from  the  furthermoft  Point  of  the  Land, 
at  a  pretty  good  Anchorage,  where  we  rode  fafely,  notwith- 
ftanding  a  violent  Storm  which  lafted  four  Days.    And  upon 

1  Formerly  named,   on   this  account,   Isle  des  Pouteouatamis  ("  Pottawattomie 
Island  ");  now  Washington  Island. —  Ed. 


I20  A  New  Difcovery  of 

this  occafion,  I  cannot  omit,  without  Injuftice,  the  Generos- 
ity of  that  Brave  Captain,  who  feeing  our  Ship  tofs'd  up  by 
the  Waves,  and  not  knowing  it  was  able  to  refift,  ventur'd 
himfelf  in  his  little  Canou,  and  came  to  our  affiftance.  He 
had  the  good  Luck  to  get  fafe  on  board,  and  [71]  told  us 
he  would  at  all  times  venture  his  Life,  for  faving  the  Chil- 
dren of  Onnontio,  Governour  of  Canada,  who  was  his  partic- 
ular Friend.  It  muft  be  obferv'd,  that  that  Governour  is  call'd 
Onnontio^  by  all  the  Savages. 

M.  la  Salle,  without  asking  any  body's  Advice,  refolv'd 
to  fend  back  his  Ship  to  Niagara,  laden  with  Furrs  and  Skins 
to  difcharge  his  Debts ;  our  Pilot  and  five  Men  with  him 
were  therefore  fent  back,  and  order'd  to  return  with  all  im- 
aginable fpeed,  to  join  us  toward  the  Southern  Parts  of  the 
Lake,  where  we  fhould  flay  for  them  among  the  Illinois. 
They  failed  the  i8th  of  September  with  a  Weflerly  Wind,  and 
fir'd  a  Gun  to  take  their  leave.  Tho'  the  Wind  was  favour- 
able, it  was  never  known  what  Courfe  they  fteer'd,  nor  how 
they  perifh'd ;  for  after  all  the  Enquiries  we  have  been  able 
to  make,  we  could  never  learn  any  thing  elfe  but  the  follow- 
ing Particulars. 

The  Ship  came  to  an  Anchor  to  the  North  of  the  Lake 
of  the  Illinois,  where  fhe  was  feen  by  fome  Savages,  who  told 
us  that  they  advifed  our  Men  to  fail  along  the  Coafl,  and 


^  An  Iroquois  appellation,  literally  translating  the  name  of  Montmagny  ("great 
Mountain"),  first  governor  of  Montreal.  This  name  was  afterward  given,  by  the 
Hurons  and  Iroquois,  to  all  governors  of  Canada  and  New  York,  and  even  to  the  mon- 
archs  of  France  and  England.  It  was  finally  adopted  also  by  the  Algonquian  tribes 
east  of  the  Mississippi. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  121 

not  towards  the  middle  of  the  Lake,  becaufe  of  the  Sands 
that  make  the  Navigation  dangerous  when  there  is  any  high 
Wind.  Our  Pilot,  as  I  faid  before,  was  diffatisfy'd,  and  would 
fteer  as  he  pleas'd,  without  hearkning  to  the  Advice  of  the 
Savages,  who,  generally  fpeaking,  have  more  Senfe  than  the 
Europeans  think  at  firft ;  but  the  Ship  was  hardly  a  League 
from  the  Coaft,  when  it  was  tofs'd  up  by  a  violent  Storm  in 
fuch  a  manner,  that  our  Men  were  never  heard  of  fince ;  and 
it  is  fuppos'd  that  the  Ship  ftruck  upon  a  Sand,  and  was 
there  bury'd.  This  was  a  great  lofs  for  M.  la  Salle  and  other 
Adventurers;  for  that  Ship,  with  its  Cargo,  coft  above  fixty 
thoufand  Livres.  This  will  feem  incredible  to  many,  but  not 
to  thofe  who  will  confider  that  the  Rigging,  Anchors,  and 
Goods  were  [72]  brought  by  Canou's  from  Quebec  to  Fort 
Frontenac;  which  is  fuch  a  vaft  Charge,  that  the  Carriage  of 
every  hundred  Weight,  either  of  Anchors,  Cabels,  and  the 
like,  coft  eleven  Livres. 


122  A  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    XXIII. 

An  Account  of  our  Embarkment  in  Canows  to  continue  our  Dif- 
covery, from  the  Bay  of  Puans,  to  the  Miamis  on  the  Lake  of 
the  Illinois. 

WE  left  the  Poutouatamis  on  the  19th  of  September  to 
continue  our  Voyage,  being  fourteen  Men  in  all,  in 
four  Canou's.  I  had  the  Conduct  of  the  fmalleft,  though  it 
carry'd  500  Weight  and  two  Men ;  but  my  Fellow  being 
newly  come  from  Europe,  and  confequently  unskill'd  to  man- 
age thefe  fort  of  Boats,  I  had  the  whole  trouble  upon  me  in 
any  ftormy  Weather.  The  other  four  Canou's  were  laden 
with  a  Smith's  Forge,  and  Inftruments,  and  Tools  for  Car- 
penters, Joyners,  and  Sawers,  befides  our  Goods  and  Arms. 
We  fteer'd  to  the  South  towards  the  Continent,  from 
which  the  Ifland  of  the  Poutouatamis  is  near  forty  Leagues 
diftant ;  but  about  the  middle  of  the  way,  in  the  Night-time, 
we  were  furpriz'd  with  a  fudden  Storm,  whereby  we  were  in 
great  danger.  The  Waves  came  into  our  Canou's ;  and  the 
Night  was  fo  dark,  that  we  had  much  ado  to  keep  Company 
together :  However,  we  got  a-fboar  the  next  Day,  where  we 
continu'd  till  the  Lake  grew  calm  again,  which  was  four  Days 
after.  In  the  mean  time  our  Savage  went  a  Hunting,  but 
could  kill  nothing  but  a  Porcupine,  which  made  our  Gourds 
and  Indian  Corn  more  relifhing. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  123 

[73]  The  Weather  being  fair,  we  continu'd  our  Voyage 
the  25th,  and  row'd  all  the  Day,  and  beft  part  of  the  Night, 
all  along  the  Weftern  Coaft  of  the  Lake  of  the  Illinois ;  but 
the  Wind  growing  too  high  for  us,  we  thought  fit  to  land 
upon  a  Rock,  where  we  had  nothing  to  (helter  our  felves 
againft  the  Snow  and  the  Rain  but  our  Blankets.  We 
continu'd  there  two  Days,  having  made  a  little  Fire  with  the 
Wood  the  Waves  did  fupply  us  with.  The  28th  we  proceeded 
on  our  Voyage;  but  the  Wind  forc'd  us  towards  Night  on 
a  Rock  cover'd  with  thick  Bufhes,  where  we  remain'd  three 
Days,  and  there  made  an  end  of  all  our  Provifions,  which 
confifted  of  Gourds  and  Indian  Corn  we  had  brought  from  the 
Poutouatami's.  Our  Canou's  were  fo  loaded,  that  we  could 
not  provide  our  felves  for  a  longer  time,  and  we  expeded 
to  find  provifions  enough  in  our  way. 

We  left  that  difmal  Place  the  ift  of  October,  and  after 
twelve  Leagues  rowing,  though  fafting,  came  to  another 
Village  of  the  Poutouatami's,  who  came  upon  the  Shoar  to 
receive  us:  But  M.  la  Salle  would  not  fuffer  any  one  to  land, 
left  his  Men  fhould  run  away;  and  notwithftanding  the  bad 
Weather,  we  follow'd  him  three  Leagues  farther.  We  were 
in  fo  great  danger,  that  he  flung  himfelf  into  the  Water  with 
his  three  Men,  and  carry'd  a-fhoar  their  Canou  upon  their 
Shoulders,  for  elfe  it  had  been  broken  to  pieces.  We  were 
all  oblig'd  to  do  the  fame ;  and  by  thefe  means  fav'd  our 
Canou's  and  Goods.  I  carry'd  upon  my  Back  that  good 
Man  Father  Gabriel^  whofe  great  Age  did  not  permit  him 
to  venture  himfelf  into  the  Water. 


124  ^  New  Difcovery  of 

As  we  had  no  manner  of  Acquaintance  with  the  Savages 
of  the  Village  near  which  we  landed,  our  Men  prepar'd  them- 
felves  to  make  a  vigorous  Defence  in  cafe  they  were  attack'd; 
and  in  order  to  it,  poffeffed  our  felves  of  a  rifing  Ground, 
where  we  could  not  [74]  be  furpriz'd,  and  where  we  might 
make  head  againft  a  great  number  of  Savages.  We  fent 
afterwards  three  Men  to  buy  Provifions  in  the  Village  with 
the  Calumet  or  Pipe  of  Peace,  which  the  Poutouatami's  of  the 
Ifland  had  given  us.  I  had  forgot  to  mention  that  when 
they  made  us  that  Prefent,  they  obferv'd  a  great  many 
Ceremonies;  and  becaufe  that  Calumet  of  Peace  is  the  moft 
facred  Thing  amongft  the  Savages,  I  think  fit  to  defcribe  the 
fame  in  the  next  Chapter. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  125 


T 


CHAP.    XXIV. 

A  Defcription  of  the  Calumet,  or  Great  Pipe. 

HIS  Calumet  is  the  moft  myfterlous  Thing  in  the  World 
among  the  Savages  of  the  Continent  of  the  Northern 
America ;  for  it  is  us'd  in  all  their  important  Tranfa<5tions : 
However,  it  is  nothing  elfe  but  a  large  Tobacco-Pipe  made 
of  Red,  Black,  or  White  Marble:  The  Head  is  finely  polifli'd, 
and  the  Q«f//,  which  is  commonly  two  Foot  and  a  half  long ; 
is  made  of  a  pretty  ftrong  Reed,  or  Cane,  adorn'd  with 
Feathers  of  all  Colours,  interlac'd  with  Locks  of  Womens 
Hair.  They  tie  to  it  two  Wings  of  the  moft  curious  Birds 
they  find,  which  makes  their  Calumet  not  much  unlike  Mer- 
cury\  Wand,  or  that  Staff  AmbafTadors  did  formerly  carry 
when  they  went  to  treat  of  Peace.  They  fheath  that  Reed 
into  the  Neck  of  Birds  they  call  Huars^  which  are  as  big  as 
our  Geefe,  and  fpotted  with  Black  and  White ;  or  elfe  of  a 
fort  of  Ducks  who  make  their  Nefts  upon  Trees,  though 
Water  be  their  ordinary  Element,  and  whofe  Feathers  are  of 
many  different  Colours.  However,  every  Nation  adorns  the 
Calumet  as  they  think  fit  according  to  their  own  Genius  and 
the  Birds  they  have  in  their  Country. 

[75]  A  Pipe,  fuch  as  I  have  defcrib'd  it,  is  a  Pafs  and  fafe 


^This  word  means   "  loons,"  according  to  Shea  (Hennepin's  Louisiana,  p.  113, 

note  \).— Ed. 


126  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Condud  amongft  all  the  Allies  of  the  Nation  who  has  given 
it ;  and  in  all  Embaflies,  the  Ambaffadors  carry  that  Calumet 
as  the  Symbol  of  Peace,  which  is  always  refpeded ;  for  the 
Savages  are  generally  perfuaded,  that  a  great  Misfortune 
would  befal  'em,  if  they  violated  the  Pubhck  Faith  of  the 
Calumet.  All  their  Enterprizes,  Delarations  of  War,  or 
Conclufion  of  Peace,  as  well  as  all  the  reft  of  their  Cere- 
monies, are  fealed,  if  I  may  be  permitted  to  fay  fo,  with  this 
Calumet.  They  fill  that  Pipe  with  the  beft  Tobacco  they 
have,  and  then  prefent  it  to  thofe  with  whom  they  have  con- 
cluded any  great  Affair,  and  fmoak  out  of  the  fame  after 
them.^  I  had  certainly  perilh'd  in  my  Voyage,  had  it  not 
been  for  this  Calumet  or  Pipe,  as  the  Reader  will  obferve  in 
perufing  the  following  Account. 

Our  three  Men,  provided  with  this  Pipe  as  a  Pafs,  and 
very  well  Arm'd,  went  to  the  little  Village  of  the  Savages, 
which  was  about  three  Leagues  from  the  place  where  we 
landed ;  but  they  found  no  body  therein ;  for  the  Savages 
having  heard  that  we  had  refus'd  to  land  at  the  other  Village, 
thought  we  were  Enemies,  and  therefore  had  left  their  Habi- 
tation. Our  Men  finding  no  body  in  their  Cabins,  took 
fome  Indian  Corn,  and  left  in  ftead  of  it  fome  Goods,  to  let 
them  fee  that  we  were  no  Robbers,  nor  their  Enemies.  How- 
ever, the  Savages,  to  the  number  of  twenty  Men,  arm'd  with 
Axes,  fmall  Guns,  Bows,  and  a  fort  of  Club,  which  in  their 


^  Regarding  the  use  and  importance  of  the  calumet,  or  peace-pipe,  see  Jes, 
Relations,  xii,  p.  277  ;  xxvi,  157,  161  ;  xxviii,  295,  299  ;  Iviii,  97-99  ;  lix,  115-119, 
131;  Ixii,  267;  Ixv,  123-125,  267;  Ixviii,  159-161,  195,  203.  See  also  Perrot's 
Memoire  (Taliban's  ed.),  pp.  99,  100. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  127 

Language  they  call  Break-heads^  advanc'd  near  the  Place 
where  we  ftood  ;  whereupon  M.  la  Salle^  with  four  Men  very 
well  arm'd,  went  toward  them  to  fpeak  with  them,  and  defir'd 
them  to  come  near  us,  for  fear,  as  he  faid,  a  Party  of  our 
Men,  who  were  gone  a  Hunting,  fhould  meet  with  them  and 
kill  them.  They  were  perfuaded  to  fit  down  at  the  foot  of 
the  Eminence  where  we  were  pofted,  and  M.  la  [76]  Salle 
fpoke  to  them  all  the  while  of  the  fubjedt  matter  of  his  Voyage, 
which  he  had  undertaken  for  their  good  and  advantage,  as 
he  told  them.  This  was  only  to  amufe  them  till  our  three 
Men  return'd ;  who  appearing  with  the  Calumet  of  Peace,  the 
Savages  made  a  great  Shout,  and  rofe,  and  began  to  dance. 
We  made  them  fome  Excufe  becaufe  of  our  Men  having 
taken  fome  of  their  Corn,  and  told  them  they  had  left  the 
true  Value  of  it  in  Goods ;  which  they  took  fo  well,  that  they 
fent  immediately  for  more,  and  gave  us  the  next  Day  as  much 
as  we  could  conveniently  carry  in  our  Canou's.  They  retir'd 
towards  the  Evening ;  and  M.  la  Salle  order'd  fome  Trees  to 
be  cut  down,  and  laid  crofs  the  way,  to  prevent  any  Surprize 
from  the  Savages. 

The  next  Morning  about  ten  a  Clock,  the  Oldeft  of  them 
came  to  us  with  their  Calumet  of  Peace,  and  entertain'd  us 
with  fome  wild  Goats  they  had  taken.  We  return'd  them 
our  Thanks,  and  prefented  them  with  fome  Axes,  Knives, 
and  feveral  little  Toys  for  their  Wives,  with  which  they  were 
very  much  pleas'd. 

^  Fr.  casse-tete,  war-club  ;  thus  described  by  the  missionary  Sebastian  Rale  {Jes. 
Relations,  Ixvii,  pp.  171,  173)  :  "  The  war-club  is  made  of  a  deer's  horn  or  of  wood, 
shaped  like  a  cutlass,  with  a  large  ball  at  the  end." — Ed. 


128  A  New  Dlfcovery  of 


CHAP.    XXV. 

A  Continuation  of  our  Dijcovery;  with  an  Account  of  our  Naviga- 
tion to  the  farther  End  of  the  Lake  of  the  Illinois  in  our  Canous. 

WE  left  that  Place  the  2d  of  OBober^  and  continu'd  our 
Voyage  all  along  the  Coaft  of  the  Lake,  which  is  fo 
fteep  that  we  could  hardly  find  any  Place  to  land ;  and  the 
Violence  of  the  Wind  oblig'd  us  to  drag  our  Canou's  fome- 
times  to  the  top  of  the  Rocks,  to  prevent  their  being  dafh'd 
in  pieces  by  the  Waves.  The  flormy  Weather  [77]  lafted 
four  Days,  during  which  we  fuffer'd  very  much ;  for  every 
time  we  went  a-fhoar  we  were  forc'd  to  flep  into  the  Water, 
and  carry  our  Canou's  upon  our  Shoulders,  and  to  do  the 
like  when  we  embark'd  again.  The  Water  being  very  cold, 
moft  of  us  were  iick,  and  our  Proviiions  fail'd  us  again; 
which,  together  with  the  Fatigues  of  Rowing,  caus'd  old 
Father  Gabriel  to  faint  away  in  fuch  a  manner,  that  I  verily 
thought  he  could  not  live  ;  however,  I  brought  him  again  to 
his  Senfes  by  means  of  fome  Confedion  of  Hyacinth,^  which 
I  found  very  ufeful  in  our  Voyage.  We  had  no  other  Sub- 
fiftence  but  a  handful  of  Indian  Corn  once  every  four  and 
twenty  Hours,  which  we  roafled,  or  elfe  boyled  in  Water; 

^The  jacinth  or  hyacinth,  a  precious  stone  (the  silicate  of  zircon),  was  formerly- 
believed  to  possess  medicinal  virtues,  and  may  often  be  found  in  old  formulas, —  Ed, 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  129 

and  yet  we  row'd  almoft  every  Day  from  Morning  'till  Night. 
Our  Men  found  some  Hawthorn-Berries  and  other  wild  Fruit, 
which  they  ate  fo  greedily,  that  moft  of  them  fell  fick,  and 
were  thought  to  be  poifon'd  ;  yet  the  more  we  fuffer'd,  the 
more  by  the  Grace  of  God  I  was  ftrong  and  vigorous ;  fo 
that  I  could  often  outrow  all  our  other  Canou's. 

Being  in  that  diftrefs,  He  that  takes  care  of  the  meaneft 
Creatures,  afforded  us  an  unexpected  Relief;  We  faw  upon 
the  Coaft  a  great  many  Ravens  and  Eagles ;  from  whence  we 
conjecftur'd  that  there  was  fome  Prey ;  and  having  landed  on 
that  Place,  we  found  above  the  half  of  a  fat  wild  Goat,  which 
the  Wolves  had  ftrangled.  This  Provifion  was  very  accept- 
able to  us,  and  the  rudeft  of  our  Men  could  not  but  praife 
the  Divine  Providence,  who  took  fo  particular  a  care  of  us. 

Having  thus  refrefh'd  our  felves,  we  continu'd  our  Voyage 
dire6lly  to  the  Southern  Parts  of  the  Lake,  finding  every  day 
the  Country  finer,  and  the  Weather  more  temperate.  On 
the  1 6th  of  OBober  we  met  with  abundance  of  Game:  Our 
Savage  kill'd  feveral  Staggs  and  wild  Goats,  and  our  Men 
[78]  a  great  many  Turkey-Cocks  very  fat  and  big,  where- 
with we  provided  our  felves  for  feveral  Days,  and  fo  em- 
bark'd  again.  On  the  i8th  we  came  to  the  farther  end  of 
the  Lake,  where  we  landed :  Our  Men  were  immediately  fent 
to  view  the  Country  round  about  that  Place,  and  found  a 
great  quantity  of  ripe  Grapes,  each  Grain  of  which  was  as 
big  as  a  Darnafcen^:  We  fell'd  feveral  Trees  to  gather  them, 
and  made  pretty  good  Wine,  which  we  kept  in  Gourds,  and 

^  In  modern  form  "  damson,"  a  small  black  plum. —  Ed. 
9 


130  A  New  Difcovery  of 

bury'd  in  Sand  to  prevent  its  growing  four.  All  the  Trees 
in  that  Country  are  loaded  with  Vines,  which,  if  cultivated, 
would  make  as  good  Wine  as  any  in  Europe.  That  Fruit  was 
more  relifhing  to  us  than  Flefh,  becaufe  we  wanted  Bread. 

Our  Men  difcover'd  fome  frefh  Prints  of  Mens  Feet, 
which  oblig'd  us  to  ftand  upon  our  Guard,  without  making 
any  Noife  till  we  had  refted  fome  time.  That  Order  was  not 
long  obferv'd ;  for  one  of  our  Men  having  efpy'd  a  Bear 
upon  a  Tree,  fhot  him  down  dead,  and  dragg'd  him  to  our 
Cabins.  M.  la  Salle  was  very  angry  with  him,  and  to  avoid 
any  Surprize,  put  a  Sentinal  near  our  Canou's,  under  which 
we  had  put  our  Goods  to  fhelter  'em  from  the  Rain. 

There  were  iixfcore  Savages  of  the  Nation  of  the  Out- 
touagamis^  inhabiting  the  Bay  oiPuans^  encamp'd  not  far  from 
us ;  who  having  heard  the  Noife  our  Man  had  made,  took 
the  Alarm,  and  fent  fome  of  their  Men  to  difcover  who  we 
were.  Thefe  creeping  upon  their  BelHes,  and  keeping  great 
Silence,  came  in  the  Night  to  our  Canou's,  and  ftole  away 
the  Coat  of  M.  la  Salle's  Footman,  and  part  of  the  Goods 
that  were  under  it :  But  the  Sentinel  having  heard  fome 
Noife,  call'd  us,  and  every  body  run  to  his  Arms.  The 
Savages  being  difcover'd,  and  thinking  we  were  more  numer- 
ous, cry'd.  That  they  were  Friends  ;  but  we  anfwer'd  them. 
That  Friends  did  not  come  in  fo  unfeafonable  Hours;  and 
that  [79]  they  look'd  rather  like  Robbers,  who  defign'd  to 

^  The  Algonquian  tribe  called  Outagamis  (Fr.  Renards,  Eng.  Foxes),  resident  in 
Eastern  and  Central  Wisconsin.  For  full  accounts  of  this  people,  and  of  their  wars 
with  other  tribes  and  with  the  French,  see  JVisco7isin  Historical  Collections,  vol.  xvi 
(Madison,  1902).— Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  131 

murther  us :  Their  Captain  reply'd,  That  having  heard  the 
Noife  of  a  Gun,  and  knowing  that  none  of  their  Neighbours 
ufe  Fire-Arms,  they  thought  we  were  a  Party  of  Iroquefe^  and 
were  come  with  a  Defign  to  murther  them ;  but  that  under- 
ftanding  we  were  fome  Europeans  of  Canada^  whom  they  lov'd 
as  their  Brethren,  they  could  hardly  wait  till  Day  to  vifit  us, 
and  fmoak  in  our  Calumet^  or  large  Pipe.  This  is  the  ufual 
Compliment  of  the  Savages,  and  the  greateft  Mark  they  can 
give  of  their  Affedlion. 

We  feem'd  to  be  fatisfy'd  with  their  Reafons,  and  gave 
leave  to  four  of  them  only  to  come  to  us,  telling  them  that 
we  would  not  fuffer  a  great  number  becaufe  their  Youth  was 
addidled  to  fteal,  and  that  our  Men  could  not  fuffer  it.  Four 
old  Men  came  to  us,  whom  we  entertain'd  till  Day,  and  then 
they  retir'd.  After  they  were  gone,  we  found  we  had  been 
robb'd ;  and  knowing  the  Genius  of  the  Savages,  and  that  if 
we  did  fuffer  this  Affront,  we  fhould  be  expos'd  every  Night 
to  their  Infults ;  it  was  refolv'd  to  exa6t  Satisfadlion  from 
them  :  Accordingly  M.  la  Salle  went  abroad  with  fome  of  our 
Men,  to  endeavour  to  take  fome  of  them  Prifoners ;  and 
having  difcover'd  one  of  their  Hunters,  he  feiz'd  him,  and 
examin'd  him  concerning  the  Robbery  they  had  committed: 
He  confefs'd  the  Fad,  with  all  the  Circumftances ;  v/here- 
upon  he  left  him  to  the  cuftody  of  two  Men ;  and  advancing 
farther  into  the  Country,  took  another,  whom  he  brought 
along  with  him,  and  having  fhew'd  him  his  Companion,  fent 
him  back  to  tell  their  Captain,  That  he  would  kill  him,  unlefs 
they  return'd  what  they  had  robb'd. 


132  A  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    XXVI. 

An  Account  of  the  Peace  made  between  us  and  the  Outtouagami's. 

THE  Savages  were  mightily  puzzl'd  at  the  Meffage  fent 
by  M.  la  Salle ;  for  having  cut  in  pieces  the  Coat,  and 
other  Goods  they  had  ftoll'n,  and  divided  the  Buttons,  they 
could  not  make  a  full  Reftitution ;  and  therefore  they  refolv'd 
to  deliver  their  Man  by  force ;  and  accordingly  the  next 
Morning,  05lober  30,  they  advanc'd  to  attack  us.  The  Pen- 
infula  where  we  were  encamp'd,  was  feparated  from  the  Foreft, 
where  the  Savages  lay,  by  a  little  fandy  Plain ;  and  there  being 
near  the  Wood  two  or  three  Eminences,  M.  la  Salle  refolv'd 
to  poffefs  himfelf  of  the  higher,  and  detach'd  five  Men  for 
that  Service,  following  himfelf  at  a  little  diftance  with  the 
reft,  every  one  having  roll'd  his  Covering  about  the  left 
Arm,  to  defend  themfelves  againft  the  Arrows  of  the  Savages; 
for  there  was  not  above  eight  of  them  who  had  Fire-Arms. 
The  Savages  feeing  our  Men  advancing  up  to  them,  were 
frighted ;  and  the  youngeft  retir'd  behind  a  great  Tree,  but 
their  Captains  ftood  their  ground,  while  we  poffeffed  our 
felves  of  the  Eminence  I  have  already  mention'd.  I  left  the 
two  Francifcans  reading  the  ufual  Prayers,  and  went  with  our 
Men  to  exhort  them  to  their  duty ;  for  having  feen  fome 
Battels  and  Sieges  in  Europe^  I  was  very  little  afraid  of  the 


a  La7'ge  Country  in  America.  133 

Savages.  I  faw  two  of  our  Men  turning  pale ;  but  when  I 
had  fpoken  to  them,  they  feem'd  hearty  enough;  and  M. 
la  Salle  was  mightily  pleas'd  with  my  Exhortations.  How- 
ever I  confider'd  the  confequence  this  Quarrel  might  have, 
and  how  advantageous  and  Chriftian-like  It  would  be  to 
prevent  [8i]  the  effufion  of  Blood,  and  end  It  In  a  friendly 
manner;  therefore  I  advanc'd  towards  the  oldeft  Savage,  who 
feeing  me  without  any  Arms,  thought  I  came  with  a  defign 
to  be  Mediator,  and  receiv'd  me  with  Civility;  but  In  the 
mean  time  one  of  our  Men  having  obferv'd,  that  one  of  the 
Savages  had  a  piece  of  the  Cloth  they  had  ftoll'n  about  his 
Head,  came  up  to  him,  and  fnatch'd  it  away.  That  vigorous 
Adion  fo  much  terrify'd  the  Savages,  that  though  they  were 
near  fixfcore  Men  againft  eleven,  they  prefented  me  the  Pipe 
or  Calumet  of  Peace,  which  I  receiv'd.  M.  la  Salle  having 
pafs'd  his  Word  that  they  might  come  fafe  to  him,  two  old 
Men  told  him  in  a  Speech,  That  they  did  not  approve  what 
their  young  Men  had  done :  That  they  would  have  reftor'd 
the  Goods  taken.  If  it  had  been  pofTible ;  but  that  having 
been  cut  in  pieces,  they  could  do  no  more  but  offer  to 
reftore  what  was  not  fpoil'd,  and  pay  for  the  reft.  They 
prefented  us  at  the  fame  time  with  fome  Gowns  made  of 
Beavers-Sklns  to  appeafe  M.  la  Salle,  who  having  frown'd  a 
little,  told  them.  That  as  he  defign'd  to  wrong  or  affront  no 
body,  he  would  neither  fuffer  any  wrong  or  affront  to  be  put 
upon  him ;  but  that  feeing  they  did  not  approve  what  their 
Youth  had  done,  and  were  willing  to  make  fatisfadlion  for 
the  fame,  he  accepted  their  Offers,  and  would  be  their  Friend. 


134  A  New  Difcovery  of 

The  Conditions  were  fully  perform'd,  and  the  Peace  happily 
concluded  without  farther  Hoftility. 

The  next  Day  was  fpent  in  Dancing,  Feafting,  and 
Speeches ;  and  the  Chief  Captain  having  taken  a  particular 
notice  of  the  Behaviour  of  the  Francifcans,  faid,  Thefe  Grey 
Coats  we  value  very  much  ;  they  go  barefoot  as  well  as  we :  They 
fcorn  our  Beaver-Gowns^  and  refufe  all  other  Prefents :  They  carry 
no  Arms  to  kill  us :  They  flatter  and  make  much  of  our  Children, 
and  give  them  Knives  and  other  Toys,  without  expelling  any 
Reward.  Thofe  amongfl  us  who  have  been  in  Canada,  tell  us, 
That  [82]  Onnontio  (fo  they  call  the  Governour)  loves  them 
very  much  ;  and  that  they  have  quitted  all  to  come  to  fee  us.  There- 
fore be  pleas'dj  Thou  who  art  Captain  of  thefe  Men,  to  leave 
amongft  us  one  of  thefe  Grey  Coats,  whom  we  fhall  bring  to  our 
Village,  when  we  have  kill'd  wild  Bulls,^  and  make  much  of  him. 
Thou  art  likewife  M after  of  thefe  Warriours,  and  therefore  remain 
amongft  us,  inftead  of  going  among  the  Illinois,  who  have  refolv'd 
to  murther  thee  and  all  thy  Soldiers :  And  how  canft  thou  refift  fo 
great  a  Nation  ? 

The  Captain  of  the  Savages  told  us,  that  the  Illinois  had 
burnt  alive  an  Iroquefe,  who  confefs'd  that  the  War  the 
Iroquefe  made  againft  them,  had  been  fomented  by  the  Inhab- 
itants of  Canada,  who  hated  them.  He  told  us  alfo  many 
other  things,  which  frighted  our  Men,  and  made  M.  la  Salle 
very  melancholly ;  for  all  the  Savages  we  had  already  met,  had 
told  us  almoft  the  fame  thing.     However,  knowing  how  great 


1  A  reference  to  the  buffalo,  which  was  usually  called,  by  early  writers  and  explor- 
ers, "  wild  cow,"  or  "  wild  ox." — Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  135 

was  the  Malice  of  our  Enemies,  and  therefore  fufpeding  that 
thefe  things  might  have  been  fuggefted  to  the  Savages,  in 
order  to  oblige  us  to  give  over  our  Enterprize ;  or  elfe  that  it 
was  a  Contrivance  of  the  Neighbours  of  the  Illinois^  who  were 
afraid  that  they  fhould  grow  too  powerful,  if  we  taught  them 
the  ufe  of  Fire-Arms,  we  refolv'd  to  go  on  with  our  Voyage, 
taking  in  the  mean  time  all  neceffary  Precautions  for  our  Se- 
curity. We  told  the  Oiittouagami's,  That  we  were  much  oblig'd 
to  them  for  their  kind  Offers  and  Advice ;  but  that  we  were 
not  afraid  of  the  Illinois  ;  for  the  Spirits  know  how  to  gain  the 
Friendfliip  of  any  Nation,  by  Reafon  or  by  Force.  'Tis  to  be 
obferv'd,  that  the  Savages  being  not  able  to  conceive  how  the 
Europeans  can  have  more  Wit  than  they,  and  admiring  fome 
Toys  and  other  Things  we  bring  from  Europe,  own  that  they 
are  but  Men,  but  that  we  are  Spirits,  and  therefore  call  us  fo.^ 
[83]  The  next  Day,  November  i,we  embark'd  on  the  Lake 
of  the  Illinois,  and  came  to  the  Mouth  of  the  River  of  the 
Miami's,^  which  runs  from  the  South,  and  falls  into  the  Lake. 
We  had  appointed  that  Place  for  our  Rendezvous,  and  ex- 
pedled  to  meet  there  the  twenty  Men  we  had  left  at  Mijfili- 
makinak ;  who  being  order'd  to  come  along  the  other  Coaft 
of  the  Lake,  had  a  much  fhorter  cut  than  we,  and  befides 
their  Canou's  were  not  fo  much  loaded  as  ours.  However, 
we  found  no  body  there,  nor  any  Mark  whereby  it  could 
appear  that  they  had  been  in  that  Place.    We  refolv'd  to  tell 

^  Cf.  La  Potherie's  Amerique  Septentrionale,  ii,  pp.  87-89. —  Ed. 

2  An  early  appellation  of  the  St.  Joseph  River,  on  which  were  settled  part  of  the 
Miami  tribe ;  an  easy  portage  therefrom  to  the  Kankakee  caused  this  route  to  be 
generally  used  by  travelers  from  Michillimackinac  to  the  Illinois  settlements. —  Ed. 


136  A  New  D  if  cover y  of 

M.  la  Salle^  that  it  was  not  fit  to  tarry  any  longer  for  them, 
nor  expofe  our  felves  to  the  Hardfhip  of  the  Winter ;  and 
that  it  would  be  then  very  difficult  to  meet  with  the  Illinois^ 
becaufe  they  divided  themfelves  into  Tribes  or  FamiHes,  to 
fubfift  more  conveniently;  that  if  we  were  forc'd  to  remain 
there  during  the  Winter,  and  that  the  Game  fhould  come 
to  fail  us,  all  his  Men  would  certainly  perifh  with  Hunger; 
whereas  we  might  expedl  to  find  fome  Indian  Corn  amongft 
the  Illinois^  who  would  rather  fupply  with  Provifions  fourteen 
Men  than  two  and  thirty.  We  told  him  likewife,  that  it 
would  be  in  a  manner  impoffible  to  continue  our  Voyage  till 
the  Winter  was  over,  if  he  tarry'd  any  longer,  becaufe  the 
Rivers  would  be  frozen  all  over,  and  therefore  we  could  not 
make  ufe  of  our  Canou's.  Notwithftanding  thefe  Reafons, 
M.  la  Salle  told  us,  that  it  was  neceffary  to  expe<51:  the  reft 
of  his  Men,  becaufe  we  fhould  be  then  in  a  Condition  to 
difcover  our  felves  to  the  Illinois^  and  make  an  Alliance  with 
them ;  whereas  we  ihould  be  expos'd  to  their  Mercy  and 
Scorn,  if  we  ofTer'd  to  enter  their  Country  with  fo  few  Men ; 
but  that  in  the  mean  time  he  would  endeavour  to  meet  with 
fome  of  that  Nation,  and  gain  them  by  Prefents  to  learn 
their  Language  ;  concluding,  that  although  all  his  Men  fhould 
run  away,  he  would  remain  alone  [84]  with  our  Savage,  and 
find  means  to  maintain  the  Three  Miffionaries,  meaning  I 
and  my  two  Brethren. 

Having  therefore  call'd  his  Men  together,  he  told  them, 
That  he  was  refolv'd  to  expedl  the  reft  of  their  Companions; 
and  propos'd  to  build  a  Fort  in  that  Place  for  fecuring  our 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  137 

Ship  ;  for  we  did  not  know  then  that  it  had  perifh'd ;  as  alfo 
to  fecure  our  Goods  and  our  felves  too,  in  cafe  of  any  Dif- 
grace.  Our  Men  feem'd  very  much  diffatisfied ;  but  he  us'd 
fo  many  Reafons,  that  they  told  him  at  laft,  they  would 
entirely  follow  his  Diredtion. 


138  A  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    XXVII. 

An  Account  of  the  Building  of  a  Fort  and  a  Houfe  near  the  River 
of  Miamis. 

JUST  at  the  Mouth  of  the  River,  there  was  an  Eminence, 
with  a  kind  of  a  Platform  naturally  fortify'd  :  It  was  pretty 
high  and  fteep,  of  a  Triangular  Form,  defended  on  two  fides 
by  the  River,  and  on  the  other  by  a  deep  Ditch,  which  the 
Fall  of  Waters  had  made.  We  fell'd  the  Trees  that  were 
on  the  top  of  that  Hill,  and  having  clear'd  the  fame  from 
Bufhes  for  about  two  Musket-ihot,  we  began  to  build  a 
Redoubt  of  forty  Foot  long,  and  eighty  broad,  with  great 
fquare  pieces  of  Timber  laid  one  upon  the  other ;  and  pre- 
par'd  a  great  Number  of  Stakes  of  about  twenty  five  Foot 
long,  to  drive  into  the  Ground,  to  make  our  Fort  the  more 
unacceffible  on  the  River  fide.  We  imploy'd  the  whole 
Month  of  November  about  that  Work,  which  was  very  hard, 
though  we  had  no  other  Food  but  the  Bears-flefh  our  Savage 
kill'd.  Thofe  Beafts  are  very  common  in  that  place,  becaufe 
of  the  great  quantity  of  Grapes  they  find  there ;  but  their 
Flefh  [85]  being  too  fat  and  lufhious,  our  Men  began  to  be 
weary  of  it,  and  defir'd  leave  to  go  a  hunting,  to  kill  fome 
wild  Goats.  M.  la  Salle  deny'd  them  that  Liberty,  which 
caus'd   fome    Murmurs   amongft  them ;    and  it  was   but  un- 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  139 

willingly  that  they  continu'd  their  Work.  This  together  with 
the  approach  of  the  Winter,  and  the  apprehenfion  M.  la  Salle 
had  that  his  Ship  was  loft,  made  him  very  melancholy,  though 
he  conceal'd  it  as  much  as  he  could.  We  had  made  a  Cabin, 
wherein  we  perform'd  Divine  Service  every  Sunday,  and  Father 
Gabriel  and  I,  who  preach'd  alternatively,  took  care  to  take 
fuch  Texts  as  were  fuitable  to  our  prefent  Circumftances,  and 
fit  to  infpire  us  with  Courage,  Concord,  and  brotherly  Love. 
Our  Exhortations  produc'd  a  very  good  Effed,  and  hindred 
our  Men  from  deferting,  as  they  defign'd. 

We  founded  in  the  mean  time,  the  Mouth  of  the  River, 
and  having  found  a  Sand  on  which  our  Ship  might  ftrike,  we 
fix'd  two  great  pofts  therein,  to  which  we  faftned  Bear-Skins 
as  fo  many  Buoys  to  diredl  the  Courfe  of  our  Ship  through 
the  Channel  fhe  ought  to  pafs ;  and  for  a  greater  Precaution, 
two  Men  were  fent  back  to  MiJfiUmakinak,  to  wait  there  till 
the  return  of  our  Ship,  and  ferve  as  Pilots. 

The  20th  of  November  M.  Tonti  arriv'd  with  two  Canou's 
laden  with  Stags  and  Deers,  which  was  a  welcom  Refrefh- 
ment  to  our  Men,  but  he  did  not  bring  above  half  of  our 
Men  with  him,  the  reft  being  left  on  the  other  fide  of  the 
Lake,  within  three  Days  Journey  from  our  Fort.  M.  la  Salle 
was  very  angry  with  him  upon  that  Account,  being  afraid 
that  they  would  run  away. 

They  told  us  that  our  Ship  had  not  put  into  the  Bay  of 
MiJJilimakinak,  as  they  were  order'd,  and  that  they  had  heard 
nothing  of  her  fince  we  fail'd,  notwithftanding  they  had  en- 
quir'd  as  much  as  they  could,  from  the  Savages  inhabiting 


140  A  New  Difcovery  of 

the  Coaft  of  the  Lake.  This  confirm'd  the  Sufpicion,  or 
rather  the  [86]  Belief  we  had  that  fhe  was  caft  away:  How- 
ever, M.  la  Salle  continu'd  the  Building  of  his  Fort,  which 
was  at  laft  perfeded,  and  call'd  Fort  Miamis. 

The  Winter  drawing  fo  nigh,  and  M.  la  Salle  being  afraid 
that  the  Ice  would  flop  his  Voyage,  fent  back  M.  Tonti  to 
fetch  the  Men  he  had  left,  and  command  them  to  come  to 
him  immediately;  but  meeting  with  a  violent  Storm,  their 
Canou  was  driven  againft  the  Coaft,  and  broke  in  pieces, 
whereby  they  loft  their  Guns  and  Equipage,  and  were  oblig'd 
to  return  over-land.  Few  Days  after,  all  our  Men  arriv'd 
except  two,  who  deferted ;  fo  that  we  prepar'd  our  felves 
to  continue  our  Voyage,  the  Rains  that  fell  about  that  time 
having  melted  the  Ice,  and  made  the  Rivers  navigable. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  141 


CHAP.    XXVIII. 

A  Continuation  of  our  Voyage  from  Fort  Miamis  to  the  River  of 
the  Illinois. 

WE  embark'd  on  the  Third  of  December^  being  Three 
and  thirty  Men  in  Eight  Canou's,  and  having  left  the 
Lake  of  the  Illinois^  went  up  the  River  Miamis^  which  we  had 
founded  before.  We  made  about  five  and  twenty  Leagues  to 
the  South-Weft,  but  cou'd  not  difcover  the  Place  where  we 
were  to  land,  and  carry  our  Canou's  and  Equipage  into  the 
River  of  the  Illinois^  which  falls  into  that  of  Mefchafipi ;  that 
is,  in  the  Language  of  the  Illinois^  the  Great  River.  We  had 
already  paffed  the  place  of  the  Portage^  but  not  knowing 
whereabouts  we  were,  we  thought  fit  to  ftay  there,  to  expedl 
M.  la  Salle,  who  was  landed  to  view  the  Country :  We  ftaid 
a  great  while,  and  feeing  he  did  not  come,  I  went  very  far 
into  the  Woods  with  two  of  our  Men,  who  fir'd  their  Guns 
to  give  him  notice  of  the  Place  [87]  where  we  were ;  and  in 
the  mean  time  two  others  went  up  the  River  in  their  Canou, 
in  order  to  find  him  out ;  but  all  our  Endeavours  were  in 
vain,  fo  that  we  return'd  towards  Evening. 

The  next  Day  I  went  up  the  River  my  felf,  but  hearing 
nothing  of  him,  I  came  back,  and  found  our  Men  very  much 
perplex'd,  fearing  he  was  loft;  but  about  four  a-clock  in  the 


142  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Afternoon  he  return'd  to  us,  having  his  Face  and  Hands  as 
black  as  Pitch.  He  brought  along  with  him  two  Beafts  as 
big  as  Musk'd  Rats,  whofe  Skins  was  very  fine,  and  like 
Ermins.  He  had  kill'd  them  with  a  Stick,  as  they  hung  by 
their  Tails  to  the  Boughs  of  Trees.^ 

He  told  us,  that  the  Marfhes  he  had  met  in  his  way,  had 
oblig'd  him  to  fetch  a  great  Compafs  ;  and  that  being  much 
annoy'd  by  the  Snow  which  fell  very  thick,  it  was  paft  Mid- 
night before  he  could  arrive  upon  the  Banks  of  the  River; 
where  he  fir'd  his  Gun  twice,  and  that  hearing  no  anfwer,  he 
concluded  we  were  gone  up  higher,  and  had  therefore  march'd 
that  way.  He  added,  that  after  three  Hours  March,  he  faw 
a  Fire  upon  a  little  Hill,  whither  he  went  diredly,  and  hail'd 
us  feveral  Times,  but  hearing  no  Anfwer,  he  approach'd  and 
found  no  Body  near  the  Fire,  but  only  fome  dry  Herbs, 
upon  which  a  Man  was  a  little  while  afore  laid,  as  he  con- 
jedlur'd,  becaufe  they  were  ftill  warm.  He  fuppos'd  that  it 
was  a  Savage,  who  lay  thereabouts  in  an  Ambufcade,  and 
therefore  call'd  to  him  in  two  or  three  Languages ;  but  no 
Body  anfwering,  he  cry'd  as  loud  as  he  could,  that  to  fhew 
he  was  not  afraid  of  him,  he  was  going  to  lie  in  his  room. 
However,  for  fear  of  any  Surprize,  he  cut  feveral  Boughs 
and  Buflies,  to  embarafs  the  way,  and  fat  down  by  the  Fire, 
which  had  made  his  Hands  and  Face  black,  as  I  have  ob- 
ferv'd.  Having  thus  warm'd  and  refted  himfelf,  he  lay  down 
upon  the  dry  Herbs  the  Savage  had  gather'd  under  a  Tree, 


^The  opossum,  or  tree-rat  {Didelphys  Virginiana). —  Ed. 


a  L,arge  Country  in  America.  143 

and  flept  very  [88]  well,  notwithftanding  the  Froft  and  Snow. 
Father  Gabriel  and  I  defir'd  him  to  remain  with  his  Men, 
and  not  expofe  himfelf  for  the  future,  becaufe  the  Succefs  of 
our  Enterprize  depended  only  upon  him ;  and  he  promis'd 
us  to  follow  our  Advice. 

Our  Savage,  who  remain'd  behind  for  hunting,  finding 
none  of  us  at  the  Place  of  the  Portage,  came  up  higher  on 
the  River,  and  told  us,  we  had  mift  it ;  therefore  he  was  fent 
back  with  all  our  Canou's,  except  one  which  I  kept;  for 
M.  la  Salle  was  fo  weary,  that  he  was  obllg'd  to  lie  there  that 
Night.  I  made  a  Httle  Cabin  with  Mats  of  Marifh  Rufhes, 
wherein  we  lay  together,  but  were  in  great  danger  of  being 
burnt,  for  it  took  fire  by  an  unhappy  Accident,  while  we 
were  faft  afleep.  The  next  Morning  we  joyn'd  our  Men  at 
the  Place  of  Portage,  where  Father  Gabriel  had  made  the  Day 
before  feveral  Croffes  upon  the  Trees,  that  we  might  not 
mifs  it  another  time.  We  found  there  a  great  quantity  of 
Horns  and  Bones  of  wild  Bulls,  as  alfo  fome  Canou's  the 
Savages  had  made  with  the  Skins  of  Beafts,  to  crofs  the  River 
with  their  Provifions.  This  Portage  lies  at  the  farther  End 
of  a  large  Champion  piece  of  Ground ;  and  at  the  other  End, 
to  the  Weft,  lies  a  Village  of  the  Savages  Miami's,  Mafcouteins, 
and  Oiatinon,^  who  live  together.  The  River  of  the  Illinois 
has   its   Source  near  that   Village,  and  fprings  out  of   fome 

^  All  these  were  Algonquian  tribes  ;  the  Miamis  were  closely  related  to  the  Illinois. 
The  Mascoutens  had  dwelt  in  Wisconsin,  whence  part  of  the  tribe  migrated  south- 
ward—  finding  their  way,  in  the  early  part  of  the  eighteenth  century,  as  far  as  the 
Ohio  River.  The  Ouiatanons  (called  Weas  by  the  English)  were  settled  mainly 
along  the  Wabash  River. —  Ed. 


144  ^  New  Difcovery  of 

marfhy  Lands,  which  are  as  fo  many  Quagmires,  that  one  can 
fcarcely  walk  over  them.  The  Head  of  the  River  is  only 
a  League  and  half  from  that  of  Miamis,  and  fo  our  Portage 
was  not  long.  We  mark'd  the  way  from  Place  to  Place  with 
fome  Trees  for  the  convenience  of  thofe  we  expelled  after 
us ;  and  left  at  the  Portage,  as  well  as  Fort  Miamis,  Letters 
hanging  down  from  the  Trees,  containing  M.  la  Salle's  In- 
ftrudions  to  our  Pilot,  and  the  other  five  and  twenty  Men, 
who  were  to  come  with  him. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  145 


[89]        CHAP.     XXIX. 

An  Account  of  our  Embarkment  at  the  Head  of  the  River  of  the 
Illinois. 

THIS  River  is  navigable  within  a  hundred  Paces  from  its 
Source ;  I  mean  for  Canou's  of  Bark  of  Trees,  and  not 
for  others ;  but  it  increafes  fo  much  a  little  way  from  thence, 
that  it  is  as  deep  and  broad  as  the  Meufe  and  the  Sambre 
joyn'd  together.  It  runs  through  vaft  Marfhes,  and  though 
it  be  rappid  enough,  it  makes  fo  many  Turnings  and  Wind- 
ings, that  after  a  whole  Day's  Journey,  we  found  we  were 
hardly  two  Leagues  from  the  Place  we  left  in  the  Morning. 
That  Country  is  nothing  but  Marfhes  full  of  Alder-Trees 
and  Rufhes ;  and  we  could  have  hardly  found  for  forty 
Leagues  together,  any  Place  to  plant  our  Cabins,  had  it  not 
been  for  the  Froft,  which  made  the  Earth  more  firm  and  folid. 
Having  paft  through  great  Marfhes,  we  found  a  vaft  Plain, 
on  which  nothing  grows  but  only  fome  Herbs,  which  were 
dry  at  that  time,  and  burnt,  becaufe  the  Miami's  fet  them  on 
fire  every  Year,  in  their  hunting  wild  Bulls,  as  I  fhall  mention 
anon.  We  found  no  manner  of  Game,  which  was  a  great 
Difappointment  to  us,  our  Provifions  beginning  to  fail.  Our 
Men  travell'd  about  fixty  Miles  without  killing  any  thing  elfe 

but  a  lean  Stag,  a  fmall  wild  Goat,  fome  few  Swans,  and  two 
10 


146  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Buftards,  which  was  no  fufficient  Maintenance  for  two  and 
thirty  Men.  Moft  of  them  were  fo  weary  of  this  laborious 
Life,  that  they  would  have  run  away,  if  poflible,  and  gone  to 
the  Savages,  who  were  not  very  far  from  us,  as  we  judg'd  by 
the  great  Fires  we  faw  in  the  Plain.  There  muft  be  an  innu- 
merable [90]  quantity  of  wild  Bulls  in  that  Country,  fince  the 
Earth  is  cover'd  with  their  Horns.  The  Miami's  hunt  them 
towards  the  latter  end  of  Autumn. 

We  continu'd  our  Courfe  upon  this  River  very  near  the 
whole  Month  of  December ;  but  toward  the  latter  end  of  the 
faid  Month,  1679,  we  arriv'd  at  the  Village  of  the  Illinois^ 
which  lies  near  one  hundred  and  thirty  Leagues  from  Fort 
Miamis,  on  the  Lake  of  the  Illinois.^  We  fuffer'd  very  much 
in  this  Paffage ;  for  the  Savages  having  fet  the  Herbs  of  the 
Plain  on  fire,  the  wild  Bulls  were  fled  away,  and  fo  we  could 
kill  but  one,  and  fome  Turkey-Cocks.  God's  Providence 
fupported  us  all  the  while ;  and  when  we  thought  that  the 
Extremities  we  were  reduc'd  to,  were  pad:  all  hopes  of 
Remedy,  we  found  a  prodigious  big  wild  Bull,  lying  faft  in 
the  Mud  of  the  River.  We  kill'd  him  and  had  much  ado 
to  get  him  out  of  the  Mud.  This  was  a  great  Refrefhment 
to  our  Men,  and  reviv'd  their  Courage;  for  being  fo  timely 
and  unexpedly  reliev'd,  they  concluded  that  God  approv'd 
our  Defign. 


^This  village  was  located  near  the  site  of  the  present  Utica,  111.;  it  was  here  that 
Marquette  (1675)  ^"'l  Allouez  (1677)  founded  the  Illinois  mission,  among  the  Kas- 
kaskia  tribe.  For  description,  population,  etc.,  see  Parkman's  La  Salle,  p.  156, 
Jiote  2. —  Ed. 


a  L,arge  Country  in  America.  147 


CHAP.    XXX. 

A  Defcription  of  the  Hunting  of  the  wild  Bulls  and  Cows,  by  the 
Savages ;  Of  the  bignefs  of  thofe  Beafls ;  and  of  the  Advan- 
tages and  Improvements  that  may  be  made  of  the  Plain  where 
they  Paflure ;  and  of  the  JVoods  thereabouts. 

WHEN  the  Savages  difcover  a  great  Number  of  thofe 
Beafts  together,  they  likewlfe  affemble  their  whole 
Tribe  to  encompafs  the  Bulls,  and  then  fet  on  fire  the  dry 
Herbs  about  them,  except  in  fome  places,  which  they  leave 
free ;  and  therein  lay  themfelves  in  Ambufcade.  The  Bulls 
feeing  the  Flame  round  about  them,  run  away  through  thofe 
[91]  Paffages  where  they  fee  no  Fire;  and  there  fall  into  the 
Hands  of  the  Savages,  who  by  thefe  Means  will  kill  fome- 
times  above  fixfcore  in  a  day.  They  divide  thefe  Beafts 
according  to  the  number  of  each  Family  ;  and  fend  their 
Wives  to  flay  them,  and  bring  the  Flefh  to  their  Cabins. 
Thefe  Women  are  fo  lufty  and  ftrong,  that  they  carry  on  their 
Back  two  or  three  hundred  weight,  befides  their  Children; 
and  notwithflanding  that  Burthen,  they  run  as  fwiftly  as  any 
of  our  Soldiers  with  their  Arms. 

Thofe  Bulls  have  a  very  fine  Coat,  more  like  WooU  than 
Hair,  and  their  Cows  have  it  longer  than  the  Males ;  their 
Horns  are  almoft  black,  and  much  thicker,  though  fomewhat 


148  A  New  Difcovery  of 

fhorter  than  thofe  of  Europe:  Their  Head  is  of  a  prodigious 
Bignefs,  as  well  as  their  Neck  very  thick,  but  at  the  fame 
time  exceeding  fhort :  They  have  a  kind  of  Bump  between 
the  two  Shoulders :  Their  Legs  are  big  and  fhort,  cover'd 
with  long  Wooll ;  and  they  have  between  the  two  Horns  an 
ugly  Bufh  of  Hair,  which  falls  upon  their  Eyes,  and  makes 
them  look  horrid. 

The  Flefh  of  thefe  Beafts  is  very  relifhing,  and  full  of  Juice, 
efpecially  in  Autumn  ;  for  having  grazed  all  the  Summer  long 
in  thofe  vaft  Meadows,  where  the  Herbs  are  as  high  as  they, 
they  are  then  very  fat.  There  is  alfo  amongft  them  abundance 
of  Stags,  Deers,  and  wild  Goats ;  and  that  nothing  might  be 
wanting  in  that  Country,  for  the  Convenience  of  thofe  Crea- 
tures, there  are  Forefts  at  certain  diftances,  where  they  retire 
to  reft,  and  fhelter  themfelves  againfl  the  violence  of  the  Sun. 

They  change  their  Country  according  to  the  Seafons  of  the 
Year;  for  upon  the  approach  of  the  Winter,  they  leave  the 
North  to  go  to  the  Southern  Parts.  They  follow  one  another, 
fo  that  you  may  fee  a  Drove  of  them  for  above  a  League 
together,  and  flop  all  at  the  fame  place ;  and  the  Ground 
where  they  ufe  to  lie  is  cover'd  with  wild  Purflain;  which 
makes  [92]  me  believe,  that  the  Cows  Dung  is  very  fit  to 
produce  that  Herb.  Their  Ways  are  as  beaten  as  our  great 
Roads,  and  no  Herb  grows  therein.  They  fwim  over  the 
Rivers  they  meet  in  their  Way,  to  go  and  graze  in  other 
Meadows.  But  the  Care  of  the  Cows  for  their  Young  Ones, 
cannot  be  too  much  admir'd ;  for  there  being  in  thofe  Mead- 
ows a  great  quantity  of  Wolves,  who  might  furprize  them. 


a  Large  Country  m  America.  149 

they  go  to  calve  in  the  Iflands  of  the  Rivers,  from  whence 
they  don't  ftir  till  the  young  Calves  are  able  to  follow  them  ; 
for  then  they  can  protedl  them  againft  any  Bead  whatfoever. 

Thefe  Bulls  being  very  convenient  for  the  Subfiflence  of 
the  Savages,  they  take  care  not  to  fcare  them  from  their  Coun- 
try ;  and  they  purfue  only  thofe  whom  they  have  wounded 
with  their  Arrows  :  But  thefe  Creatures  multiply  in  fuch  a 
manner,  that  notwithftanding  the  great  Numbers  they  kill 
every  Year,  they  are  as  numerous  as  ever. 

The  Women  fpin  the  Wooll  of  thefe  Bulls,  and  make 
Sacks  thereof  to  carry  their  Flefh  in,  which  they  dry  in  the 
Sun,  or  broil  upon  Gridirons.  They  have  no  Salt,  and  yet 
they  prepare  their  Flefh  fo  v/ell,  that  it  keeps  above  four 
Months  without  breeding  any  Corruption ;  and  it  looks  then 
fo  frefli,  that  one  wou'd  think  it  was  newly  kill'd.  They 
commonly  boil  it,  and  drink  the  Broth  of  it  inftead  of  Water. 
This  is  the  ordinary  Drink  of  all  the  Savages  of  America^ 
who  have  no  Commerce  with  the  Europeans.  We  follow'd 
their  Example  in  this  particular;  and  it  muft  be  confefs'd, 
that  that  Broath  is  very  wholfome. 

The  Skin  of  one  of  thofe  Bulls  ufually  weighs  about  fix- 
fcore  Pound ;  but  the  Savages  make  ufe  only  of  the  thinneft 
part,  as  that  of  the  Belly,  which  they  drefs  with  the  Brains 
of  all  forts  of  Beafts,  and  thereby  make  it  as  foft  as  our 
ShamoVs  Skins.  They  paint  them  with  feveral  Colours,  and 
adorn  with  pieces  [93]  of  Porcupine-Skins,  red  and  white,^  the 

^  Hennepin  apparently  refers  to  the  embroidery  done  by  Indian  women,  among 
nearly  all  Northern  tribes,  with  quills  from  the  porcupine  ;  these  are  dyed  in  various 
colors. —  Ed. 


I50  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Gowns  they  make  thereof,  to  appear  fplendldly  at  Feafts,  and 
on  other  folemn  Occafions.  They  make  other  Gowns  againft 
cold  Weather,  wherewith  they  cover  themfelves  during  the 
Winter;  but  thefe  plain  Gowns,  cover'd  with  curl'd  Wooll, 
are,  in  my  Opinion,  the  fineft  as  well  as  the  beft. 

When  they  kill  any  Cows,  their  young  Calves  follow 
them,  and  lick  their  Hands.  They  bring  them  to  their 
Children,  who  eat  them,  after  having  for  fome  time  play'd 
with  them.  They  keep  the  Hoofs  of  thofe  little  Creatures, 
and  when  they  are  very  dry,  they  tie  them  to  fome  Wand,  and 
move  them  according  to  the  various  Poftures  of  thofe  who 
fing  and  dance.  This  is  the  moft  ridiculous  Muiical  Inftru- 
ment  that  I  ever  met  with. 

Thefe  young  Calves  might  be  eafily  tam'd,  and  made  ufe 
of  to  plow  the  Land,  which  would  be  very  advantageous  to 
the  Savages.  Thefe  Bulls  find  in  all  Seafons  Forrage  to 
fubfift  by;  for  if  they  are  furpriz'd  in  the  Northern  Countries 
by  the  Snow,  before  they  can  reach  the  Southern  Parts,  they 
have  the  dexterity  to  remove  the  Snow,  and  eat  the  Grafs 
under  it.  They  bellow  like  our  European  Bulls,  but  not  fo 
frequently. 

Though  thefe  Bulls  are  taller  and  bigger  than  thofe  of 
Europe^  they  are  however  fo  fwift,  that  no  Savage  can  over- 
take them :  They  are  fo  timorous,  that  they  run  away  from 
any  Man,  except  when  they  are  wounded ;  for  then  they  are 
dangerous,  and  often  kill  the  Savage  who  purfues  them. 
'Tis  a  diverting  Profped:  to  fee  near  the  Banks  of  the  Rivers, 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  151 

feveral  Droves  of  thofe  Bulls  of  about  four  or  five  hundred 
together,  grazing  in  thofe  green  Meadows. 

There  are  feveral  other  Beafts  in  that  Country,  as  I 
obferv'd  in  my  Account  of  Loiiifiana^  as  Stags,  wild  Goats, 
Beavers,  and  Otters ;  there  are  alfo  Buftards,  which  have  an 
excellent  Tafte;  Swans,  Tortoifes,  [94]  Turkey-Cocks,  Parrots, 
and  Partridges.  There  are  alfo  an  incredible  quantity  of 
Pelicans,  whofe  Bills  are  of  a  prodigeous  Size ;  and  a  great 
many  other  forts  of  Birds,  and  other  Beafts. 

The  Rivers  are  plentifully  ftock'd  with  Fifh,  and  the  Soil 
is  very  fertile.  The  Forefts  afford  all  manner  of  Timber  fit 
for  Building,  and  efpecially  Oak;  which  is  there  much  better 
than  in  Canada^  and  would  be  excellent  for  building  Ships. 
That  Timber  might  be  fquar'd,  faw'd,  and  ready  prepar'd 
upon  the  Spot,  and  brought  over  into  Europe  ;  which  would 
be  very  convenient,  and  give  time  to  the  Trees  of  our 
Forefts  to  grow,  whereas  they  are  in  a  manner  exhaufted. 

There  are  in  thofe  Forefts  abundance  of  Trees  bearing 
good  Fruit,  and  of  wild  Vines,  which  produce  Bunches  of 
Grapes  a  foot  and  a  half  long,  and  of  which  when  ripe  may 
be  made  very  good  Wine.  One  may  fee  there  alfo  large 
Countries  cover'd  with  good  Hemp,  growing  naturally  fix  or 
feven  foot  in  height.  In  fhort,  by  the  Experiments  I  made 
among  the  IJfati^  and  the  Illinois^  I  am  perfwaded  that  the 
Soil  of  that  Country  would  produce  all  manner  of  Corn, 
Fruits,  Gfc.  even  more  plentifully  than  in  any  part  of  Europe^ 
feeing  there  are  two  Crops  every  Year. 


152  A  New  Difcovery  of 

The  Air  is  very  temperate,  clear,  and  open,  and  the 
Country,  water'd  with  feveral  Lakes,  Brooks,  and  Rivers, 
which  are  for  the  moft  part  navigable.  The  Gnats  and  other 
little  Flies  that  are  fo  troublefome  in  Canada^  and  fome  other 
dangerous  Beafts,  are  unknown  in  this  Country;  which  in 
two  Years  time  might  fupply  its  Inhabitants,  if  cultivated, 
with  all  things  neceffary  for  Life,  without  wanting  any  thing 
from  Europe;  and  the  Iflands  oi  America^  with  Wine,  Bread, 
and  Flefh.  The  Bucaniers  might  kill  in  that  Country  a  greater 
number  of  Bulls  than  in  all  the  Iflands  they  refort  to.  There 
are  Mines  of  [95]  Coal,  Slate,  and  Iron ;  and  feveral  Pieces 
of  fine  red  Copper,  which  I  have  found  now  and  then  upon 
the  Surface  of  the  Earth,  makes  me  believe  that  there  are 
Mines  of  it ;  and  doubtlefs  of  other  Metals  and  Minerals, 
which  may  be  difcover'd  one  time  or  another.  They  have 
already  found  Allom  [alum]  in  the  Country  of  the  Iroquefe. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  153 


CHAP.    XXXI. 

An  Account  of  our  Arrival  to  the  Country  of  the  Illinois,  one  of 
the  mofl  numerous  Nations  of  the  Savages  of  America. 

THIS  Word  Illinois  comes,  as  it  has  been  already  obferv'd, 
from  Illini^  which  in  the  Language  of  that  Nation  fig- 
nifies  A  -perfeU  and  accompUPi'd  Man.  The  Villages  of  the 
Illinois  are  fituated  in  a  Marfhy  Plain,  about  the  Fortieth 
Degree  of  Latitude,  on  the  Right  fide  of  the  River,  which  is 
as  broad  as  the  Meufe.  Their  greateft  Village  may  have  in  it 
Four  or  five  hundred  Cabins,  every  Cabin  five  or  fix  Fires, 
and  each  Fire  one  or  two  Families,  who  live  together  in  great 
Concord.  Their  Cabins  are  cover'd  with  Mats  of  flat  Rufhes, 
fo  clofely  few'd  together,  that  no  Wind,  Rain,  or  Snow  can 
go  thro'  it.  The  Union  that  reigns  amongft  that  Barbarous 
People,  ought  to  cover  with  Shame  the  Chriftians ;  amongft 
whom  we  can  fee  no  Trace  of  that  brotherly  Love,  which 
united  the  Primitive  Profefl'ors  of  Chriftianity. 

When  the  Savages  have  gather'd  in  their  Indian  Corn, 
they  dig  fome  Holes  in  the  Ground,  where  they  keep  it  for 
Summer-time,  becaufe  Meat  does  not  keep  in  hot  Weather; 
whereas  they  have  very  little  occafion  for  it  in  Winter ;  and 
'tis  then  their  Cuftom  to  leave  their  Villages,  and  with  their 
whole   Families   to   go   a   hunting  wild  Bulls,   Beavers,   (ffc. 


154  ^  New  Difcovery  of 

carrying  [96]  with  them  but  a  fmall  quantity  of  their  Corn, 
which  however  they  value  fo  much,  that  the  moft  fenfible 
Wrong  one  can  do  them,  in  their  Opinion,  is  to  take  fome 
of  their  Corn  in  their  abfence.  We  found  no  Body  in  the 
Village,  as  we  had  forefeen ;  for  the  Illinois  had  divided  them- 
felves,  according  to  their  Cuftom,  and  were  gone  a  hunting. 
Their  Abfence  cauf'd  a  great  Perplexity  amongft  us ;  for  we 
wanted  Provifions,  and  yet  durft  not  meddle  with  the  Indian 
Corn  the  Savages  had  laid  under  Ground,  for  their  Sub- 
fifteace,  and  to  fow  their  Lands  with.  However,  our  Necef- 
fity  being  very  great,  and  it  being  impofTible  to  continue 
our  Voyage  without  any  Provifions,  efpecially  feeing  the  Bulls 
and  other  Beafts  had  been  driven  from  the  Banks  of  the 
River,  by  means  of  Fire,  as  I  have  related  in  my  former 
Chapter,  M.  la  Salle  refolv'd  to  take  about  forty  Buihels  of 
Corn,  in  hopes  to  appeafe  the  Savages  with  fome  Prefents. 

We  embark'd  again  with  thefe  frefh  Provifions,  and  con- 
tinu'd  to  fall  down  the  River,  which  runs  diredlly  to  the 
South.  Four  Days  after,  being  the  Firft  of  January^  1680, 
we  faid  Mafs;  and  having  wifh'd  a  happy  New-year  to  M. 
la  Salle,  and  to  all  others,  I  thought  fit  to  make  a  pathetical 
Exhortation  to  our  Grumblers,  to  encourage  them  to  go 
on  chearfully,  and  infpire  them  with  Union  and  Concord. 
Father  Gabriel,  Zenobe,  and  I,  embrac'd  them  afterwards;  and 
they  promis'd  us  to  continue  firm  in  their  Duty.  The  fame 
Day  we  went  thro'  a  Lake  form'd  by  the  River,  about  feven 
Leagues  long,  and  one  broad. ^    The  Savages  call  that  Place 

1  The  expansion  of  the  Illinois  River  which  is  now  known  as  Peoria  Lake.— Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  i55 

Pimiteoui'^\  that  is,  in  their  Tongue,  A  Place  where  there  is 
abundance  of  fat  Beafls.  When  the  River  of  the  Illinois  freezes, 
which  is  but  feldom,  it  freezes  only  to  this  Lake,  and  never 
from  thence  to  the  Mefchafipi,  into  which  this  River  falls. 
M.  la  Salle  obferv'd  here  the  Elevation  of  the  Pole,  and 
found  that  this  Lake  lies  [97]  in  the  Latitude  of  thirty  three 
Degrees  and  forty  five  Minutes. 

We  had  been  inform'd  that  the  Illinois  were  our  Enemies; 
and  therefore  M.  la  Salle  had  refolv'd  to  ufe  all  manner  of 
Precaution  when  we  fhould  meet  with  them ;  but  we  found 
our  felves  on  a  fudden  in  the  middle  of  their  Camp,  which 
took  up  both  fides  of  the  River.  M.  la  Salle  order'd  imme- 
diately his  Men  to  make  their  Arms  ready,  and  brought  his 
Canou's  into  a  Line,  placing  himfelf  to  the  Right,  and  M. 
Tonti  to  the  Left;  fo  that  we  took  almoft  the  whole  breadth 
of  the  River.  The  Illinois,  who  had  not  yet  difcover'd  our 
Fleet,  were  very  much  furpriz'd  to  fee  us  coming  fo  fwiftly 
upon  them  ;  for  the  Stream  was  extraordinary  rapid  in  that 
Place:  Some  run  to  their  Arms;  but  moft  took  their  Flight, 
with  horrid  Cries  and  Howlings. 

The  Current  brought  us  in  the  mean  time  to  their  Camp; 
and  M.  la  Salle  went  the  very  firft  a-fhoar,  follow'd  by  his 
Men;  which  increas'd  the  Confternation  of  the  Savages,  whom 
we  might  have  eafily  defeated ;  but  as  it  was  not  our  Defign, 
we  made  a  Halt  to  give  them  time  to  recover  themfelves,  and 

^Shea  says  (Hennepin's  Louisiana,  p.  155,  note  *)  that  from  this  point  to  the  end 
of  the  chapter  "the  Nowvelle  Decowverte  here  abandons  the  original  narrative  and 
(pp.  200-207)  copies  almost  literally  from  Le  Clercq,  Etablissement  de  la  Foy,  ii, 
pp.  153-159."— Ed. 


156  A  New  Difcovery  of 

fee  that  we  were  no  Enemies.  M.  la  Salle  might  have  pre- 
vented their  Confufion,  by  fhewing  his  Calumet,  or  Pipe  of 
Peace;  but  he  was  afraid  the  Savages  wou'd  impute  it  to  our 
Weaknefs. 

The  Illinois  being  exceedingly  terrify'd,  tho'  they  were 
feveral  thoufand  Men,  tender'd  us  the  Calumet  of  Peace ;  and 
then  we  offer'd  them  ours ;  which  being  accepted  on  both 
fides,  an  extraordinary  Joy  fucceeded  the  terrible  Fears  they 
had  been  under  upon  our  landing.  They  fent  immediately 
to  fetch  back  thofe  who  fled  away ;  and  Father  Zenobe  and 
I  went  to  their  Cabins.  We  took  their  Children  by  the 
>  Hand,  and  exprefs'd  our  Love  for  them  with  all  the  Signs 
'■  we  cou'd :  We  did  the  like  to  the  Old  Men,  having  Com- 
pafTion  of  thofe  poor  Creatures,  who  [98]  are  fo  miferable 
as  to  be  ignorant  of  their  Creator  and  Redeemer. 

Moft  of  the  Savages,  who  had  run  away  upon  our  land- 
ing, underftanding  that  we  were  Friends,  return'd ;  but  fome 
others  had  been  fo  terrifi'd,  that  they  did  not  come  back  till 
three  or  four  Days  after,  that  they  were  told  that  we  had 
fmoak'd  in  their  Calumet  of  Peace.  In  the  mean  time  we  had 
difcours'd  the  Chief  of  the  Illinois  by  our  Interpreter,  and 
told  them,  that  we  were  Inhabitants  of  Canada,  and  their 
Friends ;  that  we  were  come  to  teach  them  the  Knowledge 
of  the  Captain  of  Heaven  and  Earth,  and  the  Ufe  of  Fire- 
arms, which  were  unknown  to  them;  with  feveral  other  things 
relating  to  their  advantage.  We  were  forc'd  to  make  ufe  of 
thefe  metaphorical  Expreffions,  to  give  them  fome  Idea  of 
the  Supreme  DEITY.    They  heard  our  Difcourfes  with  great 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  157 

attention,  and  afterwards  gave  a  great  Shout  for  Joy,  repeat- 
ing thefe  Words :  Tepatoid-Nika  ;  That  is,  Well^  my  Brother, 
my  Friend  ;  thou  haft  done  very  well  Thefe  Savages  have  more 
Hamanity  than  all  the  others  of  the  Northern  America  ;  and 
underftanding  the  Subjed  of  our  Errand,  exprefs'd  great 
Gratitude  thereupon.  They  rubb'd  our  Legs  and  Feet  near 
the  Fire,  with  Oil  of  Bears  and  Wild  Bulls  Fat,  which,  after 
much  Travel,  is  an  incomparable  Refrefhment ;  and  prefented 
us  fome  Flefh  to  eat,  putting  the  three  firft  Morfels  into  our 
Mouth  with  great  Ceremonies.  This  is  a  great  piece  of 
Civility  amongft  them. 

M.  la  Salle  prefented  them  with  fome  Tobacco  from 
Martinico,  and  fome  Axes ;  and  told  them,  that  he  had  defir'd 
them  to  meet  to  treat  about  fome  weighty  Matters ;  but  that 
there  was  one  in  particular,  which  he  would  difcourfe  them 
upon  before  any  other.  He  added,  that  he  knew  how  necef- 
fary  their  Corn  was  to  them ;  but  that  being  reduc'd  to  an 
unfpeakable  Neceffity  when  he  came  to  their  Village,  [99]  and 
feeing  no  probability  to  fubfift,  he  had  been  forc'd  to  take 
fome  Corn  from  their  Habitations  without  their  leave :  That 
he  would  give  'em  Axes,  and  other  things,  in  lieu  of  it,  if  they 
could  fpare  it ;  that  if  they  could  not,  they  were  free  to  take 
it  again ;  concluding,  That  if  they  were  not  able  to  fupply  us 
with  Provifions,  he  defign'd  to  continue  his  Voyage,  and  go 
to  their  Neighbours,  who  would  heartily  give  him  what  was 
neceffary  for  his  Subfiftence ;  but  however,  to  fhew  them  his 
Kindnefs,  he  would  leave  a  Smith  among  them,  to  mend  their 
Axes   and   other  Tools  we   fhould  fupply  them  with.     The 


158  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Savages    having    confider'd    our   Propofals,  granted  all  our 
Demands,  and  made  Alliance  with  us. 

We  were  oblig'd  to  ufe  many  Precautions  to  make  our 
Alliance  lafting  and  folid,  becaufe  our  Enemies  did  their 
utmoft  to  prevent  it.  The  very  fame  Day  we  came  to  the 
Camp  of  the  Illinois^  one  of  the  Chief  Captains  of  the 
Majcoutens^  whofe  Name  was  Monfo,^  arriv'd  alfo  with  fome 
Miami's,  and  other  young  Men,  who  brought  with  them 
fome  Axes,  Knives,  Kettles,  and  other  Goods.  Our  Enemies 
had  chofen  him  for  that  Embaffie,  knowing  that  the  Illinois 
would  rather  believe  him  than  the  Miamis,  becaufe  they  had 
never  been  in  War  with  the  Mafcoutens.  This  Savage  arriv'd 
pretty  late,  and  caball'd  all  the  Night  long  againft  us :  He 
told  them.  That  M.  la  Salle  was  a  great  Friend  of  the  Iroqtiefe, 
who  were  to  follow  him  fpeedily,  with  fome  of  the  Europeans 
from  Canada,  to  invade  them,  and  deftroy  their  Nation ; 
and  that  he  was  fent  by  fome  of  the  Europeans  themfelves, 
who  could  not  approve  that  Treachery  of  their  Country- 
men, to  give  them  notice  thereof,  that  they  might  not 
be  furpriz'd.  He  enforc'd  his  Arguments,  by  prefenting 
them  with  all  the  Goods  he  had  brought  along  with  him ; 
and  thinking  he  had  gain'd  his  Point,  went  back  the  fame 
Night,  fearing,  with  much  Reafon,  that  M.  la  Salle  would 
refent  [100]  that  Mafter-piece  of  Villany,  and  punifh  him  for 
it.  The  Illinois  were  affembled  in  Council  all  the  Night, 
(for  they  never  treat  of  any  fecret  Affairs  during  the  Day) 
and  did  not  know  what  Meafures  to  take ;  for  tho'  they  did 

^Probably  Monso  is  a  misprint  for  Mouso.  —  Parkman  {La  Salle,  p.  i6i,  note  i). 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  159 

not  believe  all  the  Stones  the  Mafcouten  had  made  unto 
them,  yet  the  next  Day  they  appear'd  very  indifferent,  and 
miftruftful  of  us.  As  they  feem'd  to  contrive  fomething 
againft  us,  we  began  to  be  uneafie ;  but  M.  la  Salle,  who  fuf- 
pedled  that  their  fudden  Alteration  towards  us  was  the  Effedl 
of  a  falfe  Report,  made  fuch  Prefents  to  one  of  their  Chiefs, 
that  he  told  him  all  the  Particulars  of  the  EmbaiTie  and 
Negotiation  of  Monfo ;  and  thereby  enabled  him  to  remove 
the  Jealoufie  of  the  Illinois,  and  confound  the  wicked  Defigns 
of  our  Enemies. 

He  manag'd  that  Point  with  fuch  Dexterity,  that  he  did 
not  only  regain  the  Friendfhip  of  that  Nation,  but  likewife 
undeceiv'd  the  Mafcouten  and  Miami's ;  and  was  Mediator 
between  the  latter  and  the  Illinois,  who  by  his  means  made 
an  Alliance,  which  lafted  all  the  while  we  remain'd  in  thofe 
Countries. 


i6o  A  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    XXXII. 

An  Account  of  what  hapned  to  us  while  we  remained  among  the 
Illinois,  till  the  Building  of  a  New  Fort. 

SOME  Days  after,  Nikanape,  Brother  to  Chejfagouaffe^  the 
moft  confiderable  Chief  of  the  Illinois^  who  was  then 
abfent,  invited  us  to  a  great  Feaft ;  and  before  we  fate  down 
to  eat,  made  a  long  Speech,  very  different  from  what  the 
other  Captains  had  told  us  upon  our  arrival.  He  faid  that 
he  had  invited  us  not  fo  much  to  give  us  a  Treat,  as  to 
endeavour  to  diffuade  us  from  the  Refolution  we  had  taken, 
to  go  down  to  the  Sea  by  the  great  River  Mefchaftpi.  He 
added.  That  feveral  had  perifh'd,  having  ventur'd  [loi]  upon 
the  fame  Enterprize,  the  Banks  of  that  River  being  inhab- 
ited by  barbarous  and  bloody  Nations,  whom  we  fhould  be 
unable  to  refift,  notwithftanding  our  Valour  and  the  Good- 
nefs  of  our  Arms ;  that  that  River  was  full  of  dangerous 
Monfters,  as  Crocodiles,  Tritons,  (meaning  a  Sea-monfter) 
and  Serpents ;  that  fuppofing  the  Barque  we  defign'd  to 
build  was  big  enough  to  prote6t  us  againft  the  Dangers  he 
had  mention'd,  yet  it  would  avail  us  nothing  againft  another 
which  was  inevitable :  For,  faid  he,  the  River  Mefchafipi  is  fo 
full  of  Rocks  and  Falls  towards  its  Mouthy  that  the  Rapidity  of  the 
Current  cannot  be  majler'd,  which  will  carry  your  Barque  into  a 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  i6i 

horrid  Whirlpool^  that  f wallows  up  every  thing  that  comes  near  it  ; 
and  even  the  River  it  felf,  which  appears  no  more,  loftng  it  felf  in 
that  hideous  and  bottomlefs  Gulf. 

He  added  fo  many  other  Circumftances,  and  appear'd  fo 
ferious,  and  fo  much  concern'd  for  us,  that  two  of  our  Men, 
who  underftood  their  Language,  but  not  their  Politicks,  were 
moved  at  it,  and  their  Fear  appear'd  in  their  Faces.  We 
obferv'd  it,  but  could  not  help  it ;  for  it  would  be  an  unpar- 
donable Affront  to  interrupt  a  Savage ;  and  befides,  we  had 
perhaps  encreas'd  the  Alarms  of  our  Men.  When  Nikanape 
had  made  an  end  of  his  Difcourfe,  we  anfwer'd  him  in  fo 
calm  a  manner,  that  he  cou'd  not  fancy  we  were  furpris'd  at 
his  Obje6lions  againft  our  Voyage. 

Our  Interpreter  told  him,  by  order  of  M.  la  Salle,  that 
we  were  much  oblig'd  to  him  for  the  Advices  he  gave  us ; 
but  that  the  Difficulties  and  Dangers  he  had  mention'd, 
would  make  our  Enterprize  ftill  more  glorious ;  that  we 
fear'd  the  Mafter  of  the  Life  of  all  Men,  who  rul'd  the  Sea, 
and  all  the  World  ;  and  therefore  wou'd  think  it  a  Happinefs 
to  lay  down  our  Lives  to  make  his  Name  known  to  all  his 
Creatures.  We  added,  that  we  believ'd  that  moft  of  the 
Dangers  he  had  mention'd  were  not  in  being;  but  that  [102] 
the  Friendfhip  he  had  for  us,  had  put  him  upon  that  Inven- 
tion, to  oblige  us  to  remain  with  them.  We  thought  fit, 
however,  to  let  him  know,  that  we  perceiv'd  our  Enemies 
had  fomented  fome  Jealoufies  in  their  Mind,  and  that  they 
feem'd  to  miftruft  our  Defigns ;  but  as  we  were  fincere  in  our 
Dealings,  we  defir'd  them  to  let  us  know  freely,  and  without 


1 62  A  New  Difcovery  of 

any  Difguife,  the  Grounds  of  their  Sufpicions,  that  we  might 
fatisfie  them,  and  clear  our  felves ;  concluding,  that  feeing  our 
Demand  was  fo  juft  and  equitable,  we  expedled  they  would 
grant  it,  or  elfe  that  we  fhould  have  reafon  to  think  that  the 
Joy  they  had  exprefs'd  upon  our  Arrival,  and  the  Friendfhip 
they  had  fince  fhew'd  to  us,  was  nothing  but  a  Deceit  and 
Diffimulation.  Nikanape  was  not  able  to  anfwer  us,  and 
therefore  chang'd  his  Difcourfe,  defiring  us  to  eat. 

The  Dinner  being  over,  our  Interpreter  reaffum'd  his 
Difcourfe,  and  told  the  Company,  that  we  were  not  furpriz'd 
at  the  Envy  their  Neighbours  exprefs'd  about  our  Arrival 
into  their  Country,  becaufe  they  knew  too  well  the  Advan- 
tages of  Commerce,  and  therefore  would  engrofs  it  to  them- 
felves,  and  obftrudl  by  all  means  our  good  Correfpondence ; 
but  that  we  wonder'd  that  they  wou'd  give  Ear  to  the  Sug- 
geftions  of  our  common  Enemies,  and  conceal  any  thing 
from  us,  fince  we  had  fo  fincerely  acquainted  them  with  our 
Defigns. 

JVe  did  not  Jleep,  Brother^  faid  he,  diredling  his  Difcourfe 
to  Nicanape,  when  Monfo  was  caballing  amongft  you  in  the 
Night  to  our  Prejudice^  endeavouring  to  make  you  believe  that  we 
were  Spies  of  the  Iroquefe.  The  Prefents  he  made  to  enforce  his 
Lies,  are  flill  hidden  in  this  Cabin.  But  why  has  he  run  away 
immediately  after,  inflead  of  appearing  publickly  to  pifiifie  his  Accu- 
fation  ?  Thou  art  a  Witnefs  thy  felf,  that  upon  our  landing  we 
might  have  kilVd  all  thy  Nephews,  and  done  what  our  Enemies 
tell  you  we  defign  to  do,  after  we  have  made  Alliance  with  thee. 


a  T-jdr^e  Country  in  America.  163 

and  fettled  our  [elves  amongjl  you.  But  if  it  were  our  Defign, 
[103]  why  fiould  we  defer  to  put  it  into  execution?  And  who 
hinders  our  If^cirriours,  who  are  here  with  me,  to  kill  all  of  you, 
whilfl  your  young  Men  are  a  hunting  f  Thou  haft  been  told,  that 
our  Valour  is  terrible  to  the  Iroquefe  themfelves ;  and  therefore 
we  need  not  their  Affiflance  to  wage  War  with  thee,  if  it  were 
our  Defign. 

But  to  remove  even  the  leafl  Pretence  of  Sufpicion  and  Jealoufie, 
fend  fomebody  to  bring  back  that  malicious  Accufer,  and  we  will 
flay  here  to  confute  him  in  thy  Prefence :  For  how  can  he  know 
us,  feeing  he  never  faw  us  in  his  Life  ?  And  how  can  he  be 
acquainted  with  the  fecret  League  we  have  made  with  the  Iro- 
quefe, whom  he  knows  only  by  Name?  Confider  our  Equipage ; 
zve  have  nothing  but  Tools  and  Goods,  which  can  never  be  made 
ufe  of,  but  for  the  Good  of  thy  Nation,  and  not  for  its  Definition, 
as  our  Enemies  would  make  thee  believe. 

This  Difcourfe  mov'd  them  very  much ;  and  they  fent 
after  Monfo  to  bring  him  back ;  but  the  Snow  which  fell  that 
Night  fpoil'd  the  Tradt  \_sc.  Track],  and  fo  he  could  not  be 
over-taken.  He  had  remain'd  for  fome  Days  not  far  from 
us,  to  know  what  would  be  the  fuccefs  of  his  Embaffie.  How- 
ever, fome  of  our  Men  lay  under  fuch  terrible  Apprehen- 
fions,  that  we  could  never  recover  their  Courage,  nor  remove 
their  Fears  ;  fo  that  fix  of  them  who  had  the  Guard  that 
Night  (amongft  which  were  two  Sawers,  the  moft  necefTary 
of  our  Workmen  for  building  our  Ship)  run  away,  taking 
with  them  what  they  thought  neceffary ;   but  confidering  the 


164  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Country  through  which  they  were  to  travel,  and  the  Seafon 
of  the  year,  we  may  fay,  that  for  avoiding  an  uncertain  Peril, 
they  expos'd  themfelves  to  a  moft  certain  Danger. 

M.  la  Salle  feeing  that  thofe  fix  Men  were  gone,  and  fear- 
ing that  this  Defertion  would  make  a  difadvantageous  Im- 
preflion  upon  the  Savages,  he  order'd  his  Men  to  tell  the 
Illinois^  that  he  had  refolv'd  to  fend  after  them  to  punifh 
them  as  they  deferv'd ;  but  that  the  Seafon  being  fo  hard, 
he  was  loth  to  expofe  [104]  his  Men;  and  that  thofe  De- 
ferters  would  be  feverely  punifh'd  in  Canada.  In  the  mean 
time  we  exhorted  the  reft  to  continue  firm  in  their  Duty, 
affuring  them,  That  if  any  were  afraid  of  venturing  them- 
felves upon  the  River  Mefchafipi,  becaufe  of  the  Dangers 
Nikanape  had  mention'd,  M.  la  Salle  would  give  them  leave 
to  return  next  Spring  to  Canada^  and  allow  them  a  Canou  to 
make  their  Voyage ;  whereas  they  could  not  venture  to  return 
home  at  this  time  of  the  Year,  without  expofing  themfelves 
to  perifh  with  Hunger,  Cold,  or  the  Hands  of  the  Savages. 

They  promis'd  Wonders  ;  but  M.  la  Salle  knowing  their 
Inconftancy,  and  diffembling  the  Vexation  their  want  of 
Courage  and  Refolution  caus'd  him,  refolv'd  to  prevent  any 
farther  Subornation,  and  to  leave  the  Camp  of  the  Illinois; 
but  left  his  Men  fhould  not  confent  to  it,  he  call'd  them  to- 
gether and  told  them  we  were  not  fafe  among  the  Illinois, 
and  that  perhaps  the  Iroquefe  would  come  in  a  little  time  to 
attack  them ;  and  that  thefe  being  not  able  to  refift,  they 
were  like  to  run  away,  and  betake  themfelves  to  the  Woods, 
and  leave  us  expos'd   to  the   Mercy  of  the  Iroquefe,  whofe 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  165 

Cruelty  was  fufficiently  known  to  us  ;  therefore  he  knew  no 
other  Remedy  but  to  fortifie  a  Poft,  where  we  might  defend 
our  felves  both  againft  the  Illinois  and  Iroquefe^  as  occafion 
fhould  require.  Thefe  Reafons,  with  fome  other  Arguments 
which  I  added  to  the  fame  purpofe,  proved  powerful  enough 
to  engage  them  to  approve  M.  la  Salle's  Defign ;  and  fo  it 
was  refolv'd  to  build  a  Fort  in  a  very  advantageous  Place 
on  the  River,  four  Day's  Journey  below  the  great  Village  of 
the  Illinois. 


i.^u-.^*<^-<'    ^'  ^^^^  ^  <^o^^^  /[^s^^^fi^^U^i^ 


1 66  A  New  Difcovery  of 


[105]        CHAP.    XXXIII. 

Reflexions  upon  the  Temper  and  Manners  of  the  Illinois,  and  the 
little  Difpofttion  they  have  to  embrace  Chriflianity. 

BEFORE  I  fpeak  in  particular  of  the  Illinois^  I  think  fit  to 
obferve  here,  that  there  is  a  Nation  of  the  Miami's,  who 
inhabit  the  Banks  of  a  fine  River,  within  fifteen  Leagues  from 
the  Lake,  in  the  Latitude  of  41  Degrees.  The  Maskotitens 
and  Outtouagami's  live  more  Northward  on  the  River  Mellioki 
[Milwaukee],  which  runs  into  the  Lake  in  the  Latitude  of 
43  Degrees.  To  the  Weft  of  it  live  the  Kikapous  and  Ainoves^ 
who  have  two  Villages ;  and  to  the  Weft  of  thefe  there  is  the 
Village  of  the  Illinois  Cafcafchia,  fituated  towards  the  Source 
of  the  River  Checagoumenans  [Chicago].  The  Authoutantas 
and  Maskoutens-Nadouefjians  live  within  one  hundred  and  thirty 
Leagues  of  the  Illinois,  in  three  great  Villages,  on  the  Banks 
of  a  fine  River  which  difcharges  it  felf  into  the  great  River 


1  The  Aiouas,  or  lowas,  a  Siouan  tribe;  called  by  Andre  (1676)  Nadoessi  Mas- 
couteins,  or  "  Sioux  of  the  Prairies."  When  first  known  to  the  white  men,  this  tribe 
were  located  in  Southern  Minnesota  ;  but  early  in  the  nineteenth  century  dwelt  on  the 
Iowa  and  Des  Moines  Rivers,  in  the  present  State  of  Iowa. 

The  Kickapoos,  an  Aigonquian  tribe  of  Southern  Wisconsin,  were  closely  allied 
to  the  Mascoutens,  whom  they  finally  absorbed.  The  Kaskaskias  were  located  south 
(not  west)  of  the  Kickapoos,  near  Utica,  111.  (see  p.  146,  note  i,  ante).  The  other 
peoples  here  named  are  the  Otoes  and  some  other  Siouan  tribe  (perhaps  one  of  the 
Teton  division  ;  see  p.  107,  wo/^  i,  ante). —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  167 

Mefchafipi.  We  fhall  have  occafion  to  talk  of  thefe  and 
feveral  other  Nations. 

Moft  of  thefe  Savages,  and  efpecially  the  Illinois,  make 
their  Cabins  of  flat  Rufhes,  which  they  few  together,  and  line 
them  with  the  fame ;  fo  that  no  Rain  can  go  through  it. 
They  are  tall,  ftrong,  and  manage  their  Bows  and  Arrows 
with  great  dexterity ;  for  they  did  not  know  the  ufe  of  Fire- 
Arms  before  we  came  into  their  Country.  They  are  Lazy, 
Vagabonds,  Timorous,  Pettifh,  Thieves,  and  fo  fond  of  their 
Liberty,  that  they  have  no  great  Refped  for  their  Chiefs. 

Their  Villages  are  open,  and  not  enclos'd  with  Palifado's, 
as  in  fome  other  Places,  becaufe  they  have  not  Courage 
enough  to  defend  them,  for  they  fly  [106]  away  as  foon  as 
they  hear  their  Enemies  approach.  Befides  their  Arrows, 
they  ufe  two  other  Weapons,  a  kind  of  a  Pike,  and  a  Club 
of  Wood.  Their  Country  is  fo  fertile,  that  it  fupplies  them 
with  all  Neceffaries  for  Life,  and  efpecially  fince  we  taught 
them  the  ufe  of  Iron  Tools  to  cultivate  it. 

Hermaphrodites  are  very  common  amongft  them,  which  is  fo 
much  the  more  furprizing,  becaufe  I  have  not  obferv'd  any 
fuch  thing  amongft  the  other  Nations  of  the  Northern  Amer- 
ica. Poligamy  is  allow'd  amongft  them ;  and  they  generally 
marry  feveral  Sifters,  thinking  they  agree  better  than  Stran- 
gers. They  are  exceedingly  jealous,  and  cut  the  Nofes  of  their 
Wives  upon  the  leaft  fufpicion.  Notwithftanding  they  have 
feveral  Wives,  they  are  fo  lafcivious  as  to  be  guilty  of  Sod- 
omy, and  keep  Boys  whom  they  cloath  with  Womens  Ap- 
parel, becaufe   they   make    of   them    that    abominable    Ufe. 


1 68  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Thefe  Boys  live  in  their  Families  amongft  Women,  without 
going  either  to  their  Wars  or  Hunting.^  As  to  their  Re- 
ligion I  obferv'd  that  they  are  very  fuperftitious ;  but  I  cou'd 
never  difcover  that  they  had  any  Worfhip,  nor  any  Reafon 
for  their  Superftition.  They  are  great  Gamefters,  as  well  as 
all  the  other  Savages  that  I  have  known  in  America. 

As  there  are  fome  ftony  Places  in  this  Country,  where 
there  is  a  great  quantity  of  Serpents,  very  trou[ble]fome  to 
the  Illinois^  they  know  feveral  Herbs  which  are  a  quicker  and 
furer  Remedy  againft  their  Venom,  than  our  Treacle  or  Or- 
vietan.  They  rub  themfelves  with  thefe  Herbs,  after  which 
they  play  with  thofe  dangerous  Serpents,  without  receiving 
any  hurt.  They  take  the  young  ones  and  put  them  fometimes 
into  their  Mouth.  They  go  ftark  naked  in  Summer-time, 
wearing  only  a  kind  of  Shooes  made  of  the  Skins  of  Bulls ; 
but  the  Winter  being  pretty  fevere  in  their  Country,  tho' 
very  fhort,  they  wear  Gowns  made  of  the  Skins  of  Wild 
Beafhs,  or  of  Bulls,  which  [107]  they  drefs  and  paint  moft 
curioufly,  as  I  have  already  obferv'd. 

The  Illinois^  as  moft  of  the  Savages  of  America^  being 
brutifh,  wild,  and  ftupid,  and  their  Manners  being  fo  oppo- 
fite  to  the  Morals  of  the  Gofpel,  their  Converfion  is  to  be 
defpair'd  of,  till  Time  and  Commerce  with  the  Europeans  has 
remov'd  their  natural  Fiercenefs  and  Ignorance,  and  thereby 
made  'em  more  apt  to  be  fenfible  of  the  Charms  of  Chrif- 

^  A  custom  prevalent  among  the  Southern  and  Western  tribes,  and  mentioned  by 
many  travelers  and  writers,  even  down  to  a  comparatively  recent  period.  These  boys 
and  men,  commonly  known  as  "  berdashes  "  (Fr.  bardache),  were  held  by  the 
savages  in  the  utmost  contempt. — Jes.  Relations,  lix,  pp.  309,  310. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  169 

tianity.  I  have  met  with  fome  who  were  more  teachable  ;  and 
Father  Zenobe  told  me,  that  he  Baptiz'd  two  or  three  of  them 
at  the  point  of  Death,  becaufe  they  defir'd  it;  and  fhew'd 
fome  good  Difpofition  to  induce  him  to  grant  that  Demand. 
They  will  readily  fuffer  us  to  baptize  their  Children,  and 
would  not  refufe  it  themfelves ;  but  they  are  incapable  of  any 
previous  Inftrudlion  concerning  the  Truth  of  the  Gofpel,  and 
the  Efficacy  of  the  Sacraments.  Would  I  follow  the  Example 
of  fome  other  Miflionaries,  I  could  have  boafted  of  many 
Converfions ;  for  I  might  have  eafily  baptiz'd  all  thofe  Na- 
tions, and  then  fay,  as  I  am  afraid  they  do  without  any 
ground,  That  I  had  converted  them. 

Father  Zenobe  had  met  with  two  Savages,  who  had  promis'd 
to  follow  him  every  where,  whom  he  inftrudled  and  baptiz'd ; 
but  tho'  they  were  more  tradable  than  the  reft,  they  would 
not  leave  their  Country  ;  and  he  underftood  afterwards,  that 
one  of  them,  whofe  Name  was  Chajfagouache,  was  dead  in  the 
hands  of  the  Junglers^^  and  confequently  in  the  Superftitions 
of  his  Country-Men ;  fo  that  his  Baptifm  ferv'd  only  to  make 
him  duplo  FUius  Gehenna} 


^  A  reference  to  the  medicine-men  of  the  Indians,  commonly  called  "  jugglers  "  or 
"sorcerers"  by  French  writers.  For  full  accounts  of  their  practices,  as  physicians, 
diviners,  and  sorcerers,  &tejes.  Relations  [art.  Indians:  mythology,  etc. —  medicine- 
men).— Ed. 

2  Shea  points  out  (Hennepin's  Louisiana,  p.  175,  note|)  that  the  entire  chapter 
here  ended  is  taken  from  Le  Clercq's  Etablissement  de  la  Foy,  ii,  pp.  173-181. — Ed. 


170  A  New  Difcovery  of 


[108]        CHAP.    XXXIV. 

An  Account  of  the  Building  of  a  New  Fort  on  the  River  of  the 
Illinois,  named  by  the  Savages  Checagou,  and  by  us  Fort 
Crevecoeur ;  as  alfo  a  Barque  to  go  down  the  River  Mefchafipi. 

I  MUST  obferve  here,  that  the  hardeft  Winter  lafts  not 
above  two  Months  in  this  charming  Country ;  fo  that  on 
the  15th  of  January  there  came  a  fudden  Thaw,  which  made 
the  Rivers  navigable,  and  the  Weather  fo  mild  as  it  is  with 
us  in  the  middle  of  the  Spring.  M.  la  Salle  improving  this 
fair  Seafon,  defir'd  me  to  go  down  the  River  with  him  to 
choofe  a  Place  fit  to  build  our  Fort.  After  having  view'd 
the  Country  we  pitch'd  upon  an  Eminence  on  the  Bank  of 
the  River,  defended  on  that  fide  by  the  River,  and  on  two 
others  by  two  Ditches  the  Rains  had  made  very  deep  by 
fuccefiion  of  Time ;  fo  that  it  was  accefiible  only  by  one  way  ; 
therefore  we  caft  a  Line  to  joyn  thofe  two  natural  Ditches, 
and  made  the  Eminence  flieep  on  every  fide,  fupporting  the 
Earth  with  great  pieces  of  Timber.  We  made  a  hafty  Lodg- 
ment thereupon,  to  be  ready  to  defend  us  in  cafe  the  Savages 
would  obftrud  the  building  of  our  Fort ;  but  no  body 
offering  to  difturb  us,  we  went  on  diligently  with  our  work. 
Fathers  Gabriel,  Zenobe,  and  I,  made  in  the  mean  time  a 
Cabin  of  Planks,  wherein  our  Workmen  came  to   Prayers 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  171 

every  Morning  and  Evening ;  but  having  no  Wine,  we  could 
not  fay  Mafs.  The  Fort  being  half  finifh'd,  M.  la  Salle 
lodg'd  himfelf  in  the  middle  with  M.  Tonti ;  and  every  body 
took  his  Poft.  We  plac'd  our  Forge  along  the  Courtin  on 
the  fide  of  the  Wood,  and  laid  in  a  great  quantity  of  Coals 
for  that  ufe. 

In  the  mean  time  our  thoughts  were  always  bent  [109] 
towards  our  Difcovery,  and  M.  la  Salle  and  I  had  frequent 
Conferences  about  it :  But  our  greateft  difficulty  was  to  build 
a  Barque ;  for  our  Sawers  being  gone,  we  did  not  know  what 
to  do.  However,  as  the  Timber  was  cheap  enough,  we  told 
our  Men,  that  if  any  of  them  would  undertake  to  faw  Boards 
for  Building  the  faid  Barque,  we  might  furmount  all  other 
Difficulties.  Two  Men  undertook  it ;  and  though  they  had 
never  try'd  it  before,  they  fucceeded  very  well,  fo  that  we 
began  to  build  a  Barque,  the  Keel  whereof  was  forty  two 
Foot  long.  Our  Men  went  on  fo  briskly  with  the  Work, 
that  on  the  firft  of  March  our  Barque  was  half  built,  and  all 
the  Timber  ready  prepar'd  for  the  finifhing  of  it.  Our  Fort 
was  alfo  very  near  finifh'd  ;  and  we  nam'd  it  the  Fort  of 
Crevecaeur^  becaufe  the  defertion  of  our  Men,  and  the  other 
Difficulties  we  labour'd  under,  had  almoft  broke  our  Hearts.^ 

Though  the  Winter  is  not  harder  nor  longer  in  the 
Country  of  the  Illinois^  than  in  Provence^  the  Snow  remain'd 
upon  the  Earth,  in  the  Year  1680,  for  twenty  days  together, 

1  Shea  thinks  (Hennepin's  Louisiana,  p.  175,  notef)  that  La  Salle  thus  named  his 
fort  out  of  compliment  to  Louis  XIV,  in  allusion  to  his  capture  (1672)  and  subsequent 
demolition  of  Fort  Crevecoeur,  a  stronghold  in  the  Netherlands,  near  Bois-le-Duc. 
La  Salle's  fort  was  located  a  little  below  Peoria. —  Ed. 


172  A  New  Difcovery  of 

which  had  not  been  feen  in  the  Memory  of  Man.  This  made 
the  Savages  mightily  concern'd,  and  brought  upon  us  a 
World  of  inconveniencies,  befides  the  many  others  we  fuf- 
fer'd.  In  the  mean  time  we  perfedted  our  Fort ;  and  our 
Barque  was  in  fuch  a  forwardnefs,  that  we  might  have  ex- 
pelled to  be  in  a  condition  to  fail  in  a  very  fhort  time,  had 
we  been  provided  with  all  other  Neceffaries ;  but  hearing 
nothing  of  our  Ship,  and  therefore  wanting  the  Rigging  and 
other  Tackle  for  our  Barque,  we  found  our  felves  in  great 
perplexity,  and  did  not  know  what  to  do  in  this  fad  Junc- 
ture, being  above  five  hundred  Leagues  from  Fort  Frontenac, 
whither  it  was  almoft  impoffible  to  return  at  that  time,  be- 
caufe  the  Snow  made  the  travelling  very  dangerous  by  Land, 
and  the  Ice  made  it  impradticable  to  our  Canou's. 

[no]  M.  la  Salle  did  not  doubt  then  but  his  belov'd 
Griffin  was  loft^;  but  neither  this  nor  the  other  Difficulties 
dejefted  him ;  his  great  Courage  buoy'd  him  up,  and  he 
refolv'd  to  return  to  Fort  Frontenac  by  Land,  notwithftanding 
the  Snow,  and  the  unfpeakable  Dangers  attending  fo  great 
a  Voyage.  We  had  a  long  Conference  about  it  in  private, 
wherein  having  examin'd  all  things,  it  was  refolv'd,  that  he 
ibould  return  to  Fort  Frontenac  with  three  Men,  to  bring 
along  with  him  the  neceffary  things  to  proceed  on  our  Dif- 
covery, while  I  with  two  Men  fhould  go  in  a  Canou  to  the 
River  Mefchafipi^  and  endeavour  to  get  the  Friendfhip  of  thofe 
Nations  inhabiting  the  Banks  of  that  River.  Our  Refolution 
was  certainly  very  great  and  bold ;  but  there  was  this  effential 

^See  concluding  portion  of  chap,  xxii    ante. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  173 

difference,  that  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Countries  through 
which  M.  la  Salle  was  to  travel,  knew  the  Europeans ;  whereas 
thofe  Savages,  whom  I  defign'd  to  vifit,  had  never  heard  of 
us  in  their  Life ;  and  had  been  reprefented  by  the  Illinois^ 
as  the  moft  barbarous  Nations  in  the  World.  However, 
M.  la  Salle  and  I  had  Courage  enough  to  undertake  our 
difficult  Task ;  but  we  had  much  ado  to  perfwade  five  of  our 
Men  to  follow  us,  or  to  engage  to  expe6t  our  Return  at 
Fort  Crevecceur. 


174  ^  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    XXXV. 

Containing  an  Accomit  of  what  was  tranfaEled  at  Fort  Crevecoeur 
before  M.  la  Salle'j  return  to  Fort  Frontenac ;  and  the 
Inflru5lions  we  received  from  a  Savage  concerning  the  River 
Mefchafipi. 

BEFORE  M.  la  Salle  and  I  parted,  we  found  means  to 
undeceive  our  Men,  and  remov'd  the  groundlefs  Fears 
they  had  conceiv'd  from  what  the  Illinois,  through  the  Sug- 
geftions  of  Monfo,  had  told  us  concerning  [iii]  the  Dangers, 
or  rather  the  Impoflibility  of  Sailing  upon  the  River  Mefcha- 
fipi. Some  Savages  inhabiting  beyond  that  River,  came  to 
the  Camp  of  the  Illinois^  and  gave  us  an  Account  of  it,  very 
different  from  what  Nikanape  had  told  us ;  fome  other  Sav- 
ages own'd  that  it  was  navigable,  and  not  interrupted  by 
Rocks  and  Falls,  as  the  Illinois  would  make  us  believe ;  and 
one  of  the  Illinois  themfelves,  being  gain'd  by  fome  fmall 
Prefents,  told  us  in  great  fecrefie,  that  the  Account  their 
Chief  had  given  us,  was  a  downright  Forgery,  contriv'd  on 
purpofe  to  oblige  us  to  give  over  our  Enterprize.  This 
reviv'd  fomewhat  our  Men ;  but  yet  they  were  ftill  wavering 
and  irrefolute ;  and  therefore  M.  la  Salle  faid,  that  he  would 
fully  convince  them,   that   the  Illinois   had   refolv'd   in  their 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  175 

Council  to  forge  that  Account,  in  order  to  ftop  our  Voyage ; 
and  few  days  after  we  met  with  a  favourable  opportunity 
for  it. 

The  Illinois  had  made  an  Excurfion  South-ward ;  as  they 
were  returning  with  fome  Prifoners,  one  of  their  Warriours 
came  before  their  Comrades,  and  vifited  us  at  our  Fort ;  we 
entertain'd  him  as  well  as  we  could,  and  ask'd  him  feveral 
Queftions  touching  the  River  Mefchafipi^  from  whence  he 
came,  and  where  he  had  been  oftentimes,  giving  him  to  under- 
ftand  that  fome  other  Savage  had  given  us  an  Account  of  it. 
He  took  a  piece  of  Charcoal,  and  drew  a  Map  of  the  Courfe 
of  that  River,  which  I  found  afterwards  pretty  exa6t;  and  told 
us,  that  he  had  been  in  a  Pyrogue ;  that  is,  a  Canou  made  of 
the  Trunk  of  a  Tree,  from  the  Mouth  of  this  River,  very 
near  the  Place  where  the  Mefchafipi  falls  into  the  great  Lake ; 
for  fo  they  call  the  Sea :  That  there  was  neither  Falls,  nor 
rapid  Currents,  as  we  had  been  told;  that  it  was  very  broad 
towards  the  great  Lake,  and  interrupted  with  Banks  of  Sand ; 
but  that  there  were  large  Canals  betwixt  them,  deep  enough 
for  any  Pyrogue.  He  told  [112]  us  alfo  the  Name  of  feveral 
Nations  inhabiting  the  Banks  of  Mefchafipi^  and  of  feveral 
Rivers  that  fall  into  it.  I  fet  down  in  my  Journal  all  that  he 
told  us,  of  which  I  fhall  perhaps  give  a  larger  Account  in 
another  place.  We  made  him  a  fmall  Prefent,  to  thank  him 
for  his  Kindnefs,  in  difcovering  a  Truth,  which  the  Chief 
of  his  Nation  had  fo  carefully  conceal'd.  He  defir'd  us  to 
hold  our  tongue,  and  never  to  mention  him,  which  we  prom- 


176  A  New  Difcovery  of 

is'd  ;  and  gave  him  an  Axe,  wherewith  we  fhut  his  mouth, 
according  to  the  Cuftom  of  the  Savages,  when  they  recom- 
mend a  Secret. 

The  next  day,  after  Prayers,  we  went  to  the  Village  of 
the  Illinois;  whom  we  found  in  the  Cabin  of  one  of  their 
Chiefs ;  who  entertain'd  them  with  a  Bear,  whofe  Flefh  is 
much  valu'd  among  them.  They  defir'd  us  to  fit  down  upon 
a  fine  Mat  of  Rufhes :  And  fome  time  after  our  Interpreter 
told  them,  that  we  were  come  to  acquaint  them,  that  the 
Maker  of  all  Things,  and  the  Mafter  of  the  Lives  of  Men, 
took  a  particular  Care  of  us,  and  had  been  pleas'd  to  let  us 
have  a  true  Account  of  the  River  Mefchafipi ;  the  Navigation 
whereof  they  had  reprefented  to  us  as  impradlicable.  We 
added  all  the  Particulars  we  had  learn'd,  but  in  fuch  Term.s, 
that  it  was  impoffible  they  fhould  fufpe6l  any  of  their  Men. 

The  Savages  were  much  furpriz'd,  and  did  not  doubt  but 
we  had  that  Account  by  fome  extraordinary  Way ;  therefore 
they  fhut  their  Mouths  with  their  Hands ;  which  is  their  ufual 
Cuftom  to  exprefs  their  Admiration  by.  They  told  us  frankly 
afterwards,  that  the  great  defire  they  had  to  ftop  amongft 
them  our  Captain,  and  the  Grey-Coats  or  Barefoot^  as  they  call 
the  Francifcans,  had  oblig'd  them  to  forge  the  Stories  they 
had  told  us,  and  to  conceal  the  Truth ;  but  fince  we  had  come 
to  the  Knowledge  of  it  by  another  way,  they  would  tell  us 
all  that  they  knew ;  and  confirm'd  every  Particular  their 
Warriour  had  [113]  told  us.  This  ConfefTion  remov'd  the 
Fears  of  our  Men,  who  were  few  days  after  ftill  more  fully 
perfwaded  that  the  Illinois  had  only  defign'd  to  frighten  us 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  177 

from  our  Difcovery :  For  feveral  Savages  of  the  Nations  of 
Of  ages  ^  Cikaga^  and  Akanfa^^  came  to  fee  us,  and  brought  fine 
Furrs  to  barter  for  our  Axes.  They  told  us  that  the  Mejchafipi 
was  navigable  almoft  from  its  Source  to  the  Sea ;  and  gave 
us  great  Encouragement  to  go  on  with  cur  Defign,  affuring 
us,  that  all  the  Nations  inhabiting  along  the  River,  from  the 
Mouth  of  that  of  the  Illinois^  to  the  Sea,  would  come  to  meet 
us,  and  dance  the  Calumet  of  Peace,^  as  they  exprefs  it,  and 
make  an  Alliance  with  us. 

The  Miami's  arriv'd  much  about  that  time,  and  danc'd 
the  Calumet  with  the  Illinois^  making  an  Alliance  with  them 
againft  the  Iroquefe,  their  implacable  Enemies.  We  were 
Witneffes  to  their  Treaty;  and  M.  la  Salle  made  them  fome 
Prefents,  the  better  to  oblige  both  Parties  to  the  Obfervation 
of  their  League. 

We  were  three  Miffionaries  for  that  handful  of  Europeans 
at  Fort  Crevecceur;  and  therefore  we  thought  fit  to  divide  our 

^  J.  O.  Dorsey  thinks  {Amer.  Naturalist,  xx,  pp.  211-222)  that,  ages  ago,  all  the 
Siouan  race  dwelt  east  of  the  Mississippi,  and  gradually  moved  westward.  Five  tribes 
—  the  Omahas,  Ponkas,  Osages,  Kansas,  and  Kwapas  — were  then  together  as  one 
nation  ;  they  were  called  Arkansa  (Akansa)  by  the  Illinois  tribes,  and  lived  near  the 
Ohio.  At  the  mouth  of  that  river  they  separated  (prior  to  1540),  the  Kwapas  de- 
scending, the  other  tribes  ascending,  the  Mississippi.  At  another  and  later  separation, 
after  these  latter  tribes  had  gone  some  distance  up  the  Missouri,  the  Osages  and  Kan- 
sas settled  on  the  rivers  bearing  those  respective  names. 

The  Chicasas  (Cikaga,  Chickasaws),  a  Maskoki  tribe  in  Northern  Mississippi, 
were  warlike  and  enterprising,  and  carried  on  trade  with  the  English  as  early  as  1700. 
Frequent  hostilities  occurred  between  them  and  the  French,  and  tribes  defeated  by  the 
lattersought  refuge  among  the  Chicasas. — Jes.  Relations,  Ixiv,  pp.279,  280 ;  Ixviii,  328. 

2  Regarding  the  calumet  dance,  see  Jes.  Relations,  li,  pp.  47-49  ;  lix,  129,  137,  159, 
311  (where  is  given  the  notation  of  the  song  accompanying vhe  dance);  Ixiv,  29  ;  Ixv, 
121,  125,  149,  267;   Ixvii,  249-253,  299;   Ixix,  289.      Cf.  Charlevoix's  ^'ourna/  his- 
torique,  pp.  296,  297  ;  and  U.  S.  Bur.  Ethnol.  Rep.,  1881-82,  pp.  276-282. —  Ed. 
12 


178  A  New  Difcovery  of 

felves :  Father  Gabriel  being  very  old,  was  to  continue  with 
our  Men;  and  Father  Zenobe  among  the  Illinois^  having  defir'd 
it  himfelf ,  in  hopes  to  convert  that  numerous  Nation :  And 
I,  as  I  have  already  related,  was  to  go  on  with  our  Difcovery. 
Father  Zenobe  liv'd  already  among  the  Illinois,  but  the  rude 
Manners  of  that  People  made  him  foon  weary  of  it.  His 
Landlord,  whofe  Name  was  Omahouha,  that  is  to  fay  Wolf, 
was  the  Head  of  a  Tribe,  and  took  a  fpecial  Care  of  Father 
Zenobe,  efpecially  after  M.  la  Salle  had  made  him  fome  Pref- 
ents :  He  lov'd  him  as  his  Child ;  but  however,  I  perceiv'd 
in  the  Vifits  he  made  us,  (for  he  liv'd  but  within  half  a 
League  of  our  Fort)  that  he  was  not  fatisfi'd  to  live  amongft 
that  brutifh  Nation,  though  he  had  already  learn'd  their 
Tongue.  This  oblig'd  me  to  offer  him  [114]  to  take  his 
place,  provided  he  would  fupply  mine,  and  go  on  with  our 
Difcovery  amongft  feveral  Nations,  whofe  Language  we  did 
not  underfland,  and  who  had  never  heard  of  us ;  but  Father 
Zenobe  forefeeing  the  Danger  and  Fatigue  I  was  like  to  be 
expos'd  to,  chofe  to  remain  with  the  Illinois,  whofe  Temper 
he  knew,  and  with  whom  he  was  able  to  converfe. 

M.  la  Salle  left  M.  Tonti  to  command  in  Fort  Crevecoeur, 
and  order'd  our  Carpenter  to  prepare  fome  thick  Planks  of 
Oak,  to  fence  the  Deck  of  our  Barque  in  the  nature  of  a 
Parapet,  to  cover  it  againfl  the  Arrows  of  the  Savages,  in 
cafe  they  defign'd  to  fhoot  at  us  from  the  Shoar.  Then 
calling  his  Men  together,  he  defir'd  them  to  obey  M.  Tonti's 
Orders  in  his  Abfence,  to  live  in  a  Chriftian  Union  and 
Charity ;   to   be   courageous   and   firm  in  their  Defign ;   and 


a  LjUrge  Country  in  America.  179 

above  all,  to  give  no  credit  to  the  falfe  Reports  that  the 
Savages  might  make  unto  them,  either  of  him,  or  of  their 
Comrades  that  were  going  with  me.  He  affur'd  them,  that 
he  would  return  with  all  the  fpeed  imaginable,  and  bring 
along  with  him  a  frefh  Supply  of  Men,  Ammunition,  and 
Rigging  for  our  Barque ;  and  that  in  the  mean  time  he  left 
them  Arms,  and  other  things  neceffary  for  a  vigorous  De- 
fence, in  cafe  their  Enemies  fhould  attack  them  before  his 
Return. 

He  told  me  afterwards,  that  he  expelled  I  fhould  depart 
without  any  farther  Delay ;  but  I  told  him,  that  tho'  I  had 
promis'd  him  to  do  it,  yet  a  Defluxion  I  had  on  my  Gums  a 
Year  fince,  as  he  knew  very  well,  oblig'd  me  to  return  to 
Canada,  to  be  cur'd  ;  and  that  I  would  then  come  back  with 
him.  He  was  very  much  furpriz'd,  and  told  me,  he  would 
write  to  my  Superiours,  that  I  had  obftrudled  the  good 
Succefs  of  our  Miffion,  and  defir'd  Father  Gabriel  to  per- 
fwade  me  to  the  contrary.  That  good  Man  had  been  my 
Mafter,  during  my  Novitiate  in  [115]  our  Convent  of  Bethiine, 
in  the  Province  oi  Artois ;  and  therefore  I  had  fo  great  a  Re- 
fpedl  for  him,  that  I  yielded  to  his  Advice;  and  confider'd, 
that  fince  a  Man  of  his  Age  had  ventur'd  to  come  along  with 
me  in  fo  dangerous  a  Mifiion,  it  would  look  as  Pufilanimity 
in  me  to  return  and  leave  him.  That  Father  had  left  a  very 
good  Eftate,  being  Heir  of  a  Noble  Family  of  the  Province 
of  Burgundy;  and  I  muft  own,  that  his  Example  reviv'd  my 
Courage  upon  feveral  Occafions. 

M.  la  Salle  was  mightily  pleas'd  when  I  told  him  I  was 


i8o  A  New  Difcovery  of 

refolv'd  to  go,  notwithftanding  my  Indifpofition :  He  em- 
brac'd  me,  and  gave  me  a  Calumet  of  Peace ;  and  two  Men 
to  manage  our  Canou,  whofe  Names  were  Anthony  Juguel, 
firnam'd  the  Picard  du  Gay ;  and  Mitchel  Ako^^  of  the  Province 
of  Poi5lou^  to  whom  he  gave  fome  Commodities  to  the  value 
of  about  looo  Livres,  to  trade  with  the  Savages,  or  make 
Prefents.  He  gave  to  me  in  particular,  and  for  my  own  ufe, 
ten  Knives,  twelve  Shooe-maker's  Auls  or  Bodkins,  a  fmall 
Roll  of  Tobacco  from  Martinico,  about  two  Pounds  of  Raf- 
fade^ ;  that  is  to  fay,  Little  Pearls  or  Rings  of  colour'd  Glafs, 
wherewith  the  Savages  make  Bracelets,  and  other  Works,  and 
a  fmall  Parcel  of  Needles  to  give  to  the  Savages ;  telling  me, 
that  he  would  have  given  me  a  greater  quantity,  if  it  had 
been  in  his  Power. 

The  Reader  may  judge  by  thefe  Particulars,  of  the  reft 
of  my  Equipage  for  fo  great  an  Undertaking ;  however,  rely- 
ing my  felf  on  the  Providence  of  God,  I  took  my  leave  of 
M.  la  Salle,  and  embrac'd  all  our  Men,  receiving  the  BlefTmg 
of  Father  Gabriel,  who  told  me  feveral  things,  to  infpire  me 
with  Courage ;  concluding  his  Exhortation  by  thefe  Words 
of  the  Scripture,  Viriliter  age,  ^  confortetur  Cor  tuum. 


1  Antoine  Auguel  was  called  "  le  Picard,"  because  he  came  from  the  province  of 
Picardy.  Michel  Accau  (Ako)  was  a  trader,  who  had  married  the  daughter  of  a 
Kaskaskia  chief.  Parkman  says  {La  Salle,  p.  173,  ?:oie  1):  "It  appears,  from 
La  Salle's  letters,  that  Accau  was  the  real  chief  of  the  party;  that  their  orders  were 
to  explore,  not  only  the  Illinois,  but  also  a  part  of  the  Mississippi ;  and  that  Hennepin 
volunteered  to  go  with  the  others." — Ed. 

2 The  term  rassade  was  applied  to  spherical  or  ovate  wampum  beads;  the  long 
tubular  beads  were  called  canons. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  i8i 

M.  la  Salle  fet  out  a  few  days  after  for  Canada^  with  three 
Men,  without  any  Provifions,  but  what  they  kill'd  in  their 
Journey,  during  which  they  fuffer'd  [ii6]  very  much,  by 
reafon  of  the  Snow,  Hunger  and  cold  Weather. 


1 82  A  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    XXXVI. 

The  Author  Jets  out  from  Fort  Crevecoeur,  to  continue  his  Voyage. 

WHOSOEVER  will  confider  the  Dangers  to  which  I  was 
going  to  expofe  my  felf,  in  an  unknown  Country, 
where  no  European  had  travell'd  before,  and  amongft  fome 
Savages,  whofe  Language  I  did  not  underftand,  will  not  blame 
the  Reludtancy  I  expreffed  againft  that  Voyage :  I  had  fuch 
an  Idea  of  it,  that  neither  the  fair  Words,  or  Threats  of  M. 
la  Salle,  would  have  been  able  to  engage  me  to  venture  my 
Life  fo  rafhly,  had  I  not  felt  within  my  felf  a  fecret  but  ftrong 
Affurance,  if  I  may  ufe  that  Word,  that  God  would  help  and 
profper  my  Undertaking. 

We  fet  out  from  Fort  Crevecceur  on  the  29th  of  February, 
1680,  and  as  we  fell  down  the  River,  we  met  with  feveral 
Companies  of  Savages,  who  return'd  to  their  Habitations, 
with  their  Pirogues  or  Wooden-Canou's,  loaded  with  the  Bulls 
they  had  kill'd :  they  would  fain  perfuade  us  to  return  with 
them,  and  the  two  Men  who  were  with  me,  were  very  willing 
to  follow  their  Advice ;  telling  me  that  M.  la  Salle  had  as 
good  to  have  murther'd  us :  But  I  oppos'd  their  Defign, 
and  told  them  that  the  reft  of  our  Men  wou'd  ftop  them  as 
they  fhou'd  come  by  the  Fort,  if  they  offer'd  to  return,  and 
fo  we  continu'd  our  Voyage.    They  confefs'd  to  me  the  next 


a  Z^arge  Country  in  America.  183 

Day,  that  they  had  refolv'd  to  leave  me  with  the  Savages, 
and  make  their  Efcape  with  the  Canou  and  Commodities, 
thinking  that  there  was  no  Sin  in  that,  fince  M.  la  Salle  was 
indebted  to  them  in  a  great  deal  more  than  their  Value ;  and 
that  I  had  been  very  fafe.  This  was  the  [117]  firft  Difcour- 
agement  I  met  with,  and  the  Forerunner  of  a  great  many 
others. 

The  River  of  the  Illinois  is  very  near  as  deep  and  broad 
as  the  Meufe  and  Sambre  before  Namur ;  but  we  found  fome 
Places  where  'tis  about  a  quarter  of  a  League  broad.  The 
Banks  of  the  River  are  not  even,  but  interrupted  with  Hills, 
difpos'd  almoft  at  an  equal  diftance,  and  cover'd  with  fine 
Trees.  The  Valley  between  them  is  a  Marfhey  Ground,  which 
is  overflow'd  after  great  Rains,  efpecially  in  the  Autumn  and 
the  Spring.  V^e  had  the  Curiofity  to  go  up  one  of  thofe  Hills, 
from  whence  we  difcover'd  vaft  Meadows,  with  Forefts,  fuch 
as  we  had  feen  before  we  arriv'd  at  the  Village  of  the  Illinois. 
The  River  flows  fo  foftly,  that  the  Current  is  hardly  per- 
ceptible, except  when  it  fwells :  But  it  will  carry  at  all  times 
great  Barques  for  above  100  Leagues ;  that  is,  from  the  faid 
Village  to  its  Mouth.  It  runs  diredlly  to  the  South-weft. 
On  the  7th  of  March  we  met,  within  two  Leagues  from  the 
River  Mefchafipi^  a  Nation  of  the  Savages  call'd  Tamaroa  or 
Maroa,^  confifting  of  about  200  Families.  They  defign'd  to 
bring  us  along  with  them  to  their  Village,  which  lies  to  the 


^  An  Illinois  tribe,  settled  at  that  time  on  the  east  side  of  the  Mississippi,  with 
another  tribe  called  Kaoukia  (whence  the  later  name  of  the  French  town  there  estab- 
lished, Cahokia)  ;  that  tribe  was  eventually  absorbed  hy  the  Tamaroas. —  Ed. 


184  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Weft  of  Mefchafipi,  about  feven  Leagues  from  the  Mouth  of 
the  River  of  the  Illinois;  but  my  Men  follow'd  my  Advice, 
and  wou'd  not  ftop,  in  hopes  to  exchange  their  Commodities 
with  more  Advantage  in  a  more  remote  Place.  Our  Refolu- 
tion  was  very  good ;  for  I  don't  queftion  but  they  would  have 
robb'd  us ;  for  feeing  we  had  fome  Arms,  they  thought  we 
were  going  to  carry  them  to  their  Enemies.  They  purfu'd 
us  in  their  Pyrogues  or  Wooden-Canows;  but  ours  being  made 
of  Bark  of  Birch-Trees,  and  confequently  ten  times  lighter 
than  theirs,  and  better  fram'd,  we  laught  at  their  Endea- 
vours, and  got  clear  of  them.  They  had  fent  a  Party  of 
their  Warriours  to  lie  in  Ambufcade  on  a  Neck  of  Land 
advancing  into  the  River,  where  they  thought  we  fhould  pafs 
that  Evening  or  the  next  Morning;  [118]  but  having  dif- 
cover'd  fome  Smoak  on  that  Point,  we  fpoil'd  their  Delign, 
and  therefore  crofs'd  the  River,  and  landed  in  a  fmall  Ifland 
near  the  other  fide,  where  we  lay  all  the  Night,  leaving  our 
Canou  in  the  Water,  under  the  Guard  of  a  little  Dog ;  who 
doubtlefs  wou'd  have  awak'd  us,  if  any  body  had  offer'd  to 
come  near  him ;  as  we  expeded  the  Savages  might  attempt  it, 
fwimming  over  in  the  Night ;  but  no  body  came  to  difturb 
us.  Having  thus  avoided  thofe  Savages,  we  came  to  the 
Mouth  of  the  River  of  the  Illinois^  diftant  from  their  great 
Village  about  100  Leagues,  and  50  from  Fort  Crevecmir.  It 
falls  into  the  Mefchafipi  between  35  and  36  Degrees  of  Lati- 
tude, and  within  120  or  130  Leagues  from  the  Gulph  of 
Mexico^  according  to  our  Conjedlure,  without  including  the 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  185 

Turnings  and  Windings  of  the  Mefchafipi^  from  thence  to 
the  Sea. 

The  Angle  between  the  two  Rivers  on  the  South-fide,  Is 
a  fteep  Rock  of  forty  Foot  high,  and  flat  on  the  Top,  and 
confequently  a  fit  Place  to  build  a  Fort;  and  on  the  other 
fide  of  the  River,  the  Ground  appears  blacklfh,  from  whence 
I  judge  that  It  would  prove  fertile,  and  afford  two  Crops 
every  Year,  for  the  fubfiftence  of  a  Colony.  The  Soil  looks 
as  If  it  had  been  already  manur'd. 

The  Ice  which  came  down  from  the  Source  of  the 
Mefchafipiy  flopp'd  us  In  that  Place  till  the  12th  of  March ; 
for  we  were  afraid  of  our  Canou:  But  when  we  faw  the 
Danger  over,  we  contlnu'd  our  Courfe,  founding  the  River, 
to  know  whether  It  was  navigable.  There  are  three  fmall 
Iflands  over-againft  the  Mouth  of  the  River  of  the  Illinois, 
which  ftop  the  Trees  and  Pieces  of  Timber  that  come  down 
the  River ;  which  by  fucceffion  of  time,  has  form'd  fome 
Banks :  But  the  Canals  are  deep  enough  for  the  greateft 
Barques ;  and  I  judge  that  In  the  driefl:  Summer,  there  is 
Water  enough  for  flat-bottom-Boats. 

[119]  The  Mefchafipi  runs  to  the  South-South-Weft,  be- 
tween two  Ridges  of  Mountains,  which  follow  the  great 
Windings  of  the  River.  They  are  near  the  Banks,  at  the 
Mouth  of  the  River  of  the  Illinois,  and  are  not  very  high ; 
but  in  other  Places,  they  are  fome  Leagues  diftant;  and  the 
Meadows  between  the  River  and  the  Foot  of  thofe  Hills, 
are   cover'd   with   an   Infinite    number   of   wild    Bulls.     The 


1 86  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Country  beyond  thofe  Hills  Is  fo  fine  and  pleafant,  that 
according  to  the  Account  I  have  had,  one  might  juftly  call 
it  the  Delight  of  America. 

The  Mejchafipi  is  in  fome  places  a  League  broad,  and  half 
a  League  where  it  is  narrowefl.  The  Rapidity  in  its  Current 
is  fomewhat  abated,  by  a  great  number  of  Iflands,  cover'd 
with  fine  Trees  interlac'd  with  Vines.  It  receives  but  two 
Rivers  from  the  weft  Side,  one  whereof  is  call'd  Otontenta ; 
and  the  other  difcharges  it  felf  into  it  near  the  Fall  of  St. 
Anthony  of  Padoua,  as  we  fhall  obferve  hereafter  ^ ;  But  fo 
many  others  run  into  the  Mefchafipi  from  the  North,  that  it 
fwells  very  much  toward  its  Mouth. 

I  am  refolv'd  to  give  here  an  Account  of  the  Courfe  of 
that  River;  which  I  have  hither  to  conceal'd,  for  the  Sake  of 
M.  la  Salle,  who  wou'd  afcribe  to  himfelf  alone  the  Glory, 
and  the  moft  fecret  Part  of  this  Difcovery.  He  was  fo  fond 
of  it,  that  he  has  expos'd  to  vifible  danger  feveral  Perfons, 
that  they  might  not  publifh  what  they  had  feen,  and  thereby 
prejudice  his  fecret  Defigns. 


^The  Des  Moines  and  Minnesota  Rivers;  and  the  Falls  of  St.  Anthony,  at  the 
present  Minneapolis,  Minn. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  187 


[120]        CHAP.    XXXVII. 

The  Courfe  of  the  River  Mefchafipi  from  the  Month  of  the  River 
of  the  Illinois,  to  the  Sea  ;  which  the  Author  did  not  think  fit 
to  pv.blifh  in  his  Louifiana ;  with  an  Account  of  the  Reafons 
he  had  to  undertake  that  Difcovery. 

THERE  Is  no  Man  but  remembers  with  Pleafure  the 
great  Dangers  he  has  efcap'd ;  and  I  muft  confefs,  that 
when  I  call  to  mind  the  great  Difficulties  I  was  under  at  the 
Mouth  of  the  River  of  the  Illinois^  and  the  Perils  I  was  ex- 
pos'd  to  in  the  Difcovery  of  the  Courfe  of  the  Mefchafipi^  my 
Joy  and  Satisfadion  cannot  be  exprefs'd.  I  was  as  good  as 
fure  that  M.  la  Salle  wou'd  flander  me,  and  reprefent  me  to 
my  Superiors  as  a  wilful  and  obftlnate  Man,  If  I  prefum'd  to 
go  down  the  Mefchafipi  Inftead  of  going  up  to  the  North,  as 
I  was  defir'd,  and  as  we  had  conferted  together ;  and  there- 
fore I  was  very  loath  to  undertake  it :  But  on  the  other 
Hand,  I  was  expos'd  to  flarve,  and  threatned  by  my  two 
Men,  that  if  I  oppos'd  their  Refolution  of  going  down  the 
River,  they  would  leave  me  a-fhoar  during  the  Night,  and 
carry  away  the  Canou  where-ever  they  pleafed ;  fo  that  I 
thought  It  was  reafonable  to  prefer  my  own  Prefervation  to 
the  Ambition  of  M.  la  Salle ;  and  fo  I  agreed  to  follow  my 


1 88  A  New  D  if  cover y  of 

Men;  who  feeing  me  in  that  good  Difpofition,  promis'd  that 
they  would  be  faithful  to  me.^ 

We  fhook  Hands,  to  feal  thefe  Promifes ;  and  after 
Prayers,  imbark'd  in  our  Canou  the  8th  of  March^  1680. 
The  Ice  which  came  down  from  the  North,  gave  us  a  great 
deal  of  trouble ;  but  we  were  fo  careful,  that  our  Canou 
receiv'd  no  hurt ;  and  after  fix  Hours  rowing,  we  came  to  a 
River  of  a  Nation  call'd  Ofages,  who  live  toward  the  Meffor- 
ites}  That  [121]  River  comes  from  the  Weftward,  and 
feems  as  big  as  the  Mefchafipi;  but  the  Water  is  fo  muddy, 
that  'tis  almoft  impofTible  to  drink  of  it. 

The  IJfati,^  who  inhabit  toward  the  Source  of  the  Mef- 
chafipi, make  fometimes  Excurfions  as  far  as  the  Place  where 
I  was  then ;  and  I  underftood  afterwards  from  them,  having 
learn'd  their  Language,  that  this  River  of  the  Ofages  and 
Mefforites,  is  form'd  from  feveral  other  Rivers,  which  fpring 
from  a  Mountain  about  twelve  Day's  Journey  from  its 
Mouth.     They  told   me   farther,  that  from  that  Mountain 


^  Here  begins  Hennepin's  pretended  account  of  a  voyage  down  the  Mississippi, 
which,  as  Parkman  (La  Salle,  pp.  225-230)  and  other  writers  claim,  was  largely 
adapted  and  expanded  from  Membre's  account  of  his  voyage  with  La  Salle,  as  given 
in  Le  Clercq's  Etablissement  de  la  Foy,  ii,  beginning  at  p.  216  (see  Shea's  translation 
of  that  work,  ii,  pp.  163-184).  In  the  Louisiane  (p.  218),  Hennepin  distinctly  states 
that  he  did  not  explore  the  lower  Mississippi,  being  prevented  from  doing  so  by  his 
captivity  among  the  Sioux. —  Ed. 

2  By  early  explorers,  the  Missouri  was  often  called  River  of  Osages,  from  that  tribe 
of  Indians  ;  the  name  was  afterward  restricted  to  a  tributary  of  the  Missouri,  the  Osage 
River.  The  Missouris  (Messorites)  were  a  Siouan  tribe,  allied  to  the  lowas  and  Otoes, 
and  then  living  on  the  river  which  bears  their  name. — Ed. 

^  The  Isanti  (now  called  Santee),  a  tribe  of  the  Dakota  confederacy,  whose  early 
home  was  on  Spirit  Lake,  Minn. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  189 

one  might  fee  the  Sea,  and  now  and  then  fome  great  Ships ; 
that  the  Banks  of  that  River  are  inhabited  by  feveral  Nations; 
and  that  they  have  abundance  of  wild  Bulls  and  Beavers. 

Tho'  this  River  is  very  big,  the  Mefchafipi  does  not 
vifibly  fwell  by  the  accefTion  of  it ;  but  its  Waters  continue 
muddy  to  its  Mouth,  albeit  feven  other  Rivers  fall  into  it, 
which  are  near  as  big  as  the  Mefchafipi^  and  whofe  Waters 
are  extraordinary  clear. 

We  lay  every  Night  in  Iflands,  at  leafl  if  it  were  pofTible, 
for  our  greater  Security ;  and  as  foon  as  we  had  roafted  or 
boyl'd  our  Indian  Corn,  we  were  very  careful  to  put  out  our 
Fire ;  for  in  thefe  Countries  they  fmell  Fire  at  two  or  three 
Leagues  diftance,  according  to  the  Wind.  The  Savages  take 
a  particular  notice  of  it,  to  difcover  where  their  Enemies  are, 
and  endeavour  to  furprize  them. 

The  9th  we  continu'd  our  Voyage,  and  fix  Leagues  from 
the  River  of  the  Ofages,  difcover'd  on  the  South-fide  of  the 
Mefchafipi,  a  Village,  which  we  thought  to  be  inhabited  by 
the  Tamaroa,  who  had  purfu'd  us,  as  I  have  related.  Seeing 
no  body  appear,  we  landed,  and  went  into  their  Cabins, 
wherein  we  found  Indian  Corn,  of  which  we  took  fome 
Bufhels,  leaving  in  lieu  of  it  fix  Knives,  and  a  fmall  quantity 
of  little  Glafs-Beads.  This  was  good  luck  for  us;  for  we 
[122]  durft  not  leave  the  River,  and  go  a  hunting  for  fear  of 
falling  into  the  Hands  of  the  Savages. 

The  next  Day,  being  the  Tenth  of  March,  we  came  to 
a  River  within  Forty  Leagues  of  Tamaroa ;  near  which,  as 
the  Illinois  inform'd  us,  there  is  a  Nation  of  Savages  call'd 


190  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Ouadebache.^  We  remain'd  there  till  the  Fourteenth,  becaufe 
one  of  our  Men  kill'd  a  wild  Cow,  as  fhe  was  fwimmuig  over 
the  River,  whofe  Flefh  we  were  obHg'd  to  dry  with  Smoak, 
to  preferve  it  from  putrifying.  Being  thus  provided  with 
Indian  Corn  and  Flefh,  we  left  that  Place  the  Fourteenth, 
and  faw  nothing  worth  Obfervation.  The  Banks  of  the  River 
are  fo  muddy,  and  fo  full  of  Rufhes  and  Reeds,  that  we  had 
much  ado  to  find  a  Place  to  go  afhore. 

The  Fifteenth  we  difcover'd  three  Savages,  who  came 
from  Hunting,  or  from  fome  Expedition.  As  we  were  able 
to  make  head  againft  them,  we  landed,  and  march'd  up  to 
them ;  whereupon  they  run  away ;  but  after  fome  Signs,  one 
return'd,  and  prefented  us  the  Calumet  of  Peace,  which  we 
receiv'd ;  and  the  others  came  back.  We  did  not  underftand 
a  Word  of  what  they  faid ;  nor  they,  I  fuppofe,  what  we  told 
them  :  Tho'  having  nam'd  them  two  or  three  different  Na- 
tions, one  anfwer'd  three  times  Chikacha,  or  Sikacha,  which 
was  likely  the  Name  of  his  Nation.  They  gave  us  fome 
Pelicans  they  had  kill'd  with  their  Arrows ;  and  we  prefented 
them  with  part  of  our  Meat.  Our  Canou  being  too  little 
to  take  them  in,  they  continu'd  their  way,  making  feveral 
Signs  with  their  Hands,  to  follow  them  along  the  Shore ;  but 
we  quickly  loft  the  Sight  of  them. 

Two  days  after,  we  faw  a  great  number  of  Savages  near 


^  Evidently  referring  to  the  Ohio  River,  the  lower  part  of  which  was  then  com- 
monly known  as  the  Ouabache.  Shea  regards  this  sentence  as  one  of  the  evidences 
that  Hennepin  was  not  responsible  for  this  interpolated  matter  regarding  the  lower 
Mississippi;  he  says  (Hennepin's  Louisiana,  p.  345,  note^)  :  "Hennepin  knew  enough 
about  the  country  not  to  make  a  nation  called  Ouadebache,  as  is  done  here." — Ed. 


a  Lidrge  Country  in  America.  191 

the  River-fide ;  and  heard  immediately  after  a  certain  Noife, 
as  of  a  Drum ;  and  as  we  came  near  the  Shore,  the  Savages 
cry'd  aloud  Sajacoueft ;  that  is  to  fay,  Who  goes  there?  as  I 
have  been  inform'd.^  We  were  unwilling  to  land ;  but  they 
fent  us  a  Pirogue  [123]  or  heavy  Wooden  Canou,  made  of  the 
Trunk  of  a  Tree,  which  they  make  hollow  with  Fire ;  and 
we  difcover'd  amongft  them  the  three  Savages  we  had  met 
two  Days  before.  We  prefented  our  Calumet  of  Peace,  which 
they  receiv'd ;  but  gave  us  to  underftand  by  Signs,  that  we 
muft  go  to  the  Akanfa ;  for  they  repeated  fo  often  that 
Word,  pointing  at  the  Savages  a-fhore,  that  I  believe  this  is 
the  right  Name  of  their  Nation.  We  cou'd  not  avoid  it;  and 
as  foon  as  we  were  landed,  the  three  Chikacha  took  our  Canou 
upon  their  Shoulders,  and  carry'd  it  to  the  Village.  The 
Savages  receiv'd  us  very  kindly,  and  gave  us  a  Cabin  for 
our  felves  alone ;  and  prefented  us  with  Beans,  Indian  Corn, 
and  Flefh  to  eat.  We  made  them  alfo  fome  Prefents  of  our 
European  Commodities,  which  they  admir'd  :  They  put  their 
Fingers  upon  their  Mouth,  efpecially  when  they  faw  our 
Guns ;  and  I  think  this  way  of  exprefiing  their  Surprize,  is 
common  to  all  the  Savages  of  the  Northern  America. 

Thefe  Savages  are  very  different  from  thofe  of  the  North, 
who  are  commonly  fad,  penfive,  and  fevere ;  whereas  thefe 
appear'd  jovial,  civil,  and  free.     Their  Youth  are  fo  modeft, 


1  Also  cited  by  Shea  {ut  supra,  p.  346,  note  t)  to  prove  that  Hennepin  did  not  write 
this  account:  "  Sasacouest,  that  is  to  say  war-cries  (Le  Clercq,  ii,  p.  235),  and  in 
the  East,  Chichiquois  was  a  word  adopted  by  the  French,  and  is  used  by  Membre. 
Hennepin  must  have  known  its  meaning,  and  would  not  have  made  the  blunder  here 
committed . ' ' —  Ed. 


192  A  New  Difcovery  of 

that  they  dare  not  fpeak  before  Old  Men,  unlefs  they  are 
ask'd  any  Queftion.  I  obferved  they  have  tame  Poultry,  as 
Hens,  Turkey-Cocks,  and  Buftards,  which  are  as  tame  as 
our  Geefe.  Their  Trees  began  to  fhew  their  Fruit,  as 
Peaches,  and  the  like ;  which  muft  be  a  great  deal  bigger 
than  ours.  Our  Men  lik'd  very  well  the  Manner  of  thefe 
People ;  and  if  they  had  found  any  Furrs  and  Skins  to  barter 
for  their  Commodities,  they  would  have  left  me  amongft 
them ;  but  I  told  them,  that  our  Difcovery  was  more  impor- 
tant to  them  than  their  Trade ;  and  advis'd  them  to  hide 
their  Commodities  under-ground,  which  they  might  take 
again  upon  our  return,  and  exchange  them  with  the  Savages 
of  the  North.  They  approv'd  my  Advice,  and  were  [124] 
fenfible  that  they  ihould  prevent  many  Dangers ;  for  Men 
are  covetous  in  all  Countries. 

The  Eighteenth  we  embark'd  again,  after  having  been 
entertain'd  with  Dancing  and  Feafting ;  and  carry'd  away  our 
Commodities,  tho'  the  Savages  were  very  loth  to  part  with 
them ;  but  having  accepted  our  Calumet  of  Peace,  they  did 
not  prefume  to  ftop  us  by  Force. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  193 


CHAP.    XXXVIII. 

A  Continuation  of  our  Voyage  on  the  River  Mefchafipi. 

AS  we  fell  down  the  River,  we  look'd  for  a  fit  Place  to 
hide  our  Commodities,  and  at  laft  pitch'd  upon  one 
between  two  Eminences  near  a  Wood.  We  took  up  the 
green  Sodds,  lay'd  them  by,  and  digg'd  a  Hole  in  the  Earth, 
where  we  put  our  Goods,  and  cover'd  them  with  Pieces  of 
Timber  and  Earth,  and  then  put  on  again  the  green  Turf; 
fo  that  'twas  impoffible  to  fufped  that  any  Hole  had  been 
digg'd  under  it,  for  we  flung  the  Earth  into  the  River.  We 
tore  afterwards  the  Bark  of  three  Oaks  and  of  a  large  Cot- 
ton-tree, and  ingrav'd  thereon  four  Croffes,  that  we  might 
not  mifs  the  Place  at  our  Return.  We  embark'd  again  with 
all  fpeed,  and  paft  by  another  Village  of  Savages  about  fix 
Leagues  from  Akanfa^  and  then  landed  at  another  two 
Leagues  lower,  where  we  were  kindly  entertain'd.  Men, 
Women,  and  Children  came  to  meet  us ;  which  makes  me 
believe  that  the  firfl:  Akanfa  had  given  notice  of  our  arrival, 
to  all  the  Villages  of  their  Nation.  We  made  them  fome 
Prefents  of  little  Value,  which  they  thought  very  confiderable. 
Prefents  are  the  Symbols  of  Peace  in  all  thofe  Countries. 

The  Twenty  firfl;  thofe  Savages  carry'd  us  in  a  Pyrogue  to 
fee  a  Nation  farther  off  into  the  Country,  [125]   which  they 

13 


194  A  New  Difcovery  of 

call  Taenfa ;  for  they  repeated  often  that  Word,  fo  that  we 
could  not  but  remember  it.  Thofe  Savages  inhabit  the  Banks 
of  a  Lake  form'd  by  the  Mefchafipi;  but  I  had  not  time 
enough  to  make  any  particular  Obfervation  concerning  fev- 
eral  of  the  Villages  which  I  faw.^ 

Thefe  Savages  receiv'd  us  with  much  more  Ceremonies 
than  the  Akanja  ;  for  their  Chief  came  in  great  Solemnity  to 
the  Shore  to  meet  us.  He  had  a  kind  of  a  white  Gown 
on,  made  of  Cloth  of  Bark  of  Trees,  which  their  Women 
fpun^;  and  two  Men  carry'd  before  him  a  thin  Plate  of 
Copper,  as  fhlning  as  Gold.  We  prefented  our  Calumet  of 
Peace,  which  he  receiv'd  with  Joy  and  much  Gravity.  The 
Men,  Women,  and  Children,  who  attended  him,  exprefs'd  a 
great  Refpedl  for  me,  and  kifs'd  the  Sleeves  of  the  Habit  of 
St.  Francis;  which  made  me  believe  that  they  had  feen  fome 
Spanijh  Francifcans  from  New  Mexico^  it  being  ufual  there  to 
kifs  the  Habit  of  our  Order:  But  this  is  a  meer  Conjedure; 
tho'  I  obferv'd  they  did  not  pay  that  Refpe<5l  to  the  two 
Men  that  were  with  me. 

The  Taenfa  conduced  us  into  a  fine  Cabin  of  flat  Rufhes 
and  fhining  Reeds,^  and  entertain'd  us  as  well  as  their  Country 

^The  Taensa  tribe  were  located  in  what  is  now  Tensas  county,  La.,  on  the  east 
side  of  the  Mississippi.  When  Iberville  visited  them  (1700),  they  had  seven  villages, 
grouped  around  a  lake,  probably  Lake  St.  Joseph. — Jes.  Relations,  Ixv,  267. 

2  Cloth  was  spun,  by  the  women  of  Southern  tribes,  from  the  bark  of  the  mulberry 
tree  ;  see  description  of  this  process  in  Le  Page  du  Pratz's  Histoire  de  la  Louisiane 
(Paris,  1758),  ii,  pp.  191-193.  See  also  Holmes's  "Prehistoric  Textile  Art,"  in 
U.  S.  Bur.  Ethnol.  Rep.,  1891-92,  pp.  3-46. —  Ed. 

^  These  "  reeds  "  were  obtained  from  the  "  canebrakes  "  of  that  region  —  a  dense 
growth  formed  by  the  stems  of  Arundinaria  macrosperma,  a  tall,  woody  grass, 
allied  to  the  bamboo. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  195 

could  afford ;  and  then  Men  and  Women,  who  are  half 
cover'd  in  that  Country,  danc'd  together  before  us.  Their 
way  of  Dancing  is  much  more  difficult  than  ours,  but  perhaps 
as  pleafant,  were  it  not  for  their  Mufick,  which  is  very  difa- 
greeable.    Women  repeat  every  Word  the  Men  have  fung. 

That  Country  is  full  of  Palm-trees,  wild  Laurels,  Plum- 
trees,  Mulbery-trees,  Peach-trees,  Apple-trees,  and  Walnut- 
trees  of  five  or  fix  kinds,  whofe  Nuts  are  a  great  deal  bigger 
than  ours.  They  have  alfo  feveral  forts  of  Fruit-trees  un- 
known in  Europe^  but  I  could  not  difcern  the  Fruit,  becaufe 
of  the  Seafon  of  the  Year. 

[126]  The  Manners  and  Temper  of  that  Nation  is  very 
different  from  that  of  the  Iroquefe^  Hiirons^  and  Illinois. 
Thefe  are  Civil,  Eafie,  Tradable,  and  capable  of  Inftrudlions ; 
whereas  the  others  are  meer  Brutes,  as  fierce  and  cruel  as 
any  wild  Beafts.  We  lay  that  Night  in  their  Village,  and 
were  entertain'd  as  civilly  as  we  could  have  wifh'd  for ;  and 
we  did  likewife  our  utmoft  to  oblige  them :  We  fhew'd  them 
the  Effe6l  of  our  Fire-Arms,  and  a  Piftol  which  fhot  four 
Bullets  one  after  another,  without  needing  to  be  new  charg'd. 
Our  Men  took  their  beft  Cloth,  which  pleas'd  them  very 
much;  and  they  feem'd  well  fatisfy'd  with  us,  as  they  ex- 
prefs'd  by  many  Signs  and  Demonftrations.  They  fent  over- 
night to  the  Koroa-^  who  are  their  Allies,  to  give  them  notice 
of  our  Arrival ;  and  their  Chief  came  next  Morning  in  great 


^  This  tribe  were  then  living  on  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi,  above  Natchez  ; 
later,  they  wandered  to  the  Yazoo  River.  They  were  finally  merged  in  the  Cha'htas 
(Choctaws). —  Ed. 


196  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Ceremony  to  fee  us.  They  feem'd  tranfported  with  Joy,  and 
'tis  great  pity  we  could  not  underftand  what  they  told  us,  to 
know  what  Opinion  they  entertain'd  of  us,  and  from  what 
Part  of  the  World  they  fanfied  we  came.  I  order'd  my  Men 
to  fquare  a  Tree,  and  having  made  a  Crofs,  we  planted  it 
near  the  Cabin  where  we  lay. 

The  Twenty  fecond  we  left  that  obliging  People,  and  the 
Chief  of  the  Koroa  attended  us  to  his  Village,  which  is  fitu- 
ated  about  ten  Leagues  lower,  upon  the  River,  in  a  fertile 
Soil,  which  produces  abundance  of  Indian  Corn,  and  other 
things  neceffary  for  Life.  We  prefented  them  with  three 
Axes,  fix  Knives,  feven  Yards  of  good  Tobacco,  feveral  Awls 
and  Needles.  They  receiv'd  our  Prefents  with  great  Shouts, 
and  their  Chief  prefented  us  with  a  Calumet  of  Peace  of  red 
Marble,  the  Quill  whereof  was  adorn'd  with  Feathers  of  five 
or  fix  forts  of  Birds. 

They  gave  us  alfo  a  Noble  Treat  according  to  their  own 
way,  which  I  lik'd  very  well ;  and  after  we  had  din'd,  the 
Chief  of  that  Nation  underftanding  by  our  Signs  which  way 
we  were  bound,  took  a  Stick,  and  [127]  made  fuch  Demon- 
ftrations,  that  we  underftood  that  we  had  not  above  feven 
Days  Journey  to  the  Sea,  which  he  reprefented  as  a  great 
Lake  with  large  wooden  Canou's.  The  next  Day  we  pre- 
par'd  to  continue  our  Voyage  ;  but  they  made  fuch  Signs  to 
oblige  us  to  ftay  a  Day  or  two  longer,  that  I  was  almoft 
perfwaded  to  do  it;  but  feeing  the  Weather  fo  favourable 
for  our  Journey,  we  embark'd  again.  The  Chief  of  that 
Nation,  feeing  we  were  refolv'd  to  be  gone,  fent  feveral  Men 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  197 

in  two  Pyrogues^  to  attend  us  to  the  Mouth  of  the  River  with 
Provifions ;  but  when  I  faw  that  the  three  Chikacha,  of  whom 
I  have  fpoken,  follow'd  us  every  where,  I  bid  my  Men  to 
have  care  of  them,  and  obferve  their  Motions  upon  our 
landing,  for  fear  of  any  Surprize.  It  was  then  £rt/?^r-day, 
which  we  kept  with  great  Devotion,  tho'  we  could  not  fay 
Mafs  for  want  of  Wine ;  but  we  fpent  all  the  Day  in  Prayers 
in  fight  of  the  Savages,  who  wonder'd  much  at  it. 

The  Mefchafipi  divides  it  felf  into  two  Channels,  and 
thereby  forms  a  large  Ifland,  which  to  our  thinking  was  very 
long,  and  might  be  about  fixty  Leagues  broad.  The  Koroa 
oblig'd  us  to  follow  the  Canal  to  the  Weftward,  tho'  the 
Chikacha,  who  were  in  their  Pyrogues,  endeavour'd  to  per- 
fwade  me  to  take  the  other :  But  as  we  had  fome  fufpicion 
of  them,  we  refus'd  to  follow  their  Advice ;  tho'  I  was  after- 
wards convinc'd,  that  they  defign'd  only  to  have  the  Honour 
to  bring  us  to  feveral  Nations  on  the  other  Side  of  the 
River,  whom  we  vifited  in  our  return. 

We  loft  quickly  the  Company  of  our  Savages ;  for  the 
Stream  being  very  rapid  in  this  Place,  they  could  not  follow 
us  in  their  Pyrognes,  which  are  very  heavy.  We  made  that 
Day  near  forty  Leagues,  and  landed  in  the  Evening  upon 
the  Ifland,  where  we  pitch'd  our  Cabin. 

The  Twenty  fourth  we  continu'd  our  Voyage ;  and  about 
five  and  thirty  Leagues  below  the  Place  [128J  we  had  lain, 
we  difcover'd  two  Fifhermen,  who  immediately  ran  away. 
We  heard  fome  time  after  a  great  Cry,  and  the  Noife  of  a 
Drum ;   but  as  we  fufpeded  the   Chikacha,  we   kept  in  the 


198  A  New  Difcovery  of 

middle  of  the  River,  rowing  as  faft  as  we  could.  This  was 
the  Nation  of  QuinipijJ'a ^^  as  we  underftood  fince.  We  landed 
that  Night  in  a  Village  belonging  to  the  Nation  of  Tangibao, 
as  we  have  been  inform'd ;  but  the  Inhabitants  had  been  fur- 
priz'd  by  their  Enemies,  for  we  found  ten  of  them  murther'd 
in  their  Cabins ;  which  oblig'd  us  to  embark  again,  and  crofs 
the  River,  where  we  landed,  and  having  made  a  Fire,  roafted 
our  Indian  Corn. 

The  Twenty  fifth  we  left  the  Place  early  in  the  Morning ; 
and  after  having  row'd  the  beft  part  of  the  Day,  came  to  a 
Point  where  the  Mejchafipi  divides  it  felf  into  three  Chanels : 
We  took  the  middle  one,  which  is  very  broad  and  deep. 
The  Water  began  there  to  tafte  brackifh,  but  four  Leagues 
lower  it  was  as  fait  as  the  Sea.  We  rowed  about  four  Leagues 
farther,  and  difcover'd  the  Sea,  which  oblig'd  us  to  go  a-fhore 
to  the  Eaftward  of  the  River. 


^  Also  called,  by  some  writers,  Acolapissas  ;  a  Cha'hta  band  who  had  migrated  to 
the  region  north  of  New  Orleans  ;  Hennepin  may  have  confounded  them  with  the 
Mugulashas  and  Bayagoulas,  who  dwelt  in  one  village — "  64  leagues  from  the  sea," 
according  to  Iberville.  See  Shea's  notes  on  this  account,  in  his  translation  of  Le 
Clercq's  Etablissement  de  la  Foy,  pp.  176,  177. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  m  America.  199 


CHAP.    XXXIX. 

Reafons  which  obliged  us  to  return  towards  the  Source  of  the  River 
Mefchafipi,  without  going  any  farther  toward  the  Sea. 

MY  two  Men  were  very  much  afraid  of  the  Spaniards  of 
New  Mexico^  who  inhabit  to  the  Weftward  of  this 
River ;  and  they  were  perpetually  telling  me,  that  if  they 
were  taken,  the  Spaniards  would  never  fpare  their  Lives,  or 
at  leaft  give  them  the  Liberty  to  return  into  Europe.  I  knew 
their  Fears  were  not  altogether  unreafonable ;  and  therefore 
I  refolv'd  to  go  no  farther,  tho'  I  had  no  reafon  to  be  [129] 
afraid  for  my  felf,  our  Order  being  fo  numerous  in  New 
Mexico^  that,  on  the  contrary,  I  might  expect  to  have  had  in 
that  Country  a  peaceable  and  eafie  Life. 

I  don't  pretend  to  be  a  Mathematician,  but  having  learn'd 
to  take  the  Elevation  of  the  Pole,  and  make  ufe  of  the 
Aftrolabe,  I  might  have  made  fome  exadl  Obfervations,  had 
M.  la  Salle  trufted  me  with  that  Inftrument :  However,  I 
obferv'd  that  the  Mefchafipi  falls  into  the  Gulph  of  Mexico^ 
between  the  27th  and  28th  Degrees  of  Latitude,  where,  as 
I  believe,  our  Maps  mark  a  River  call'd  Rio  Efcondido,  the 
Hidden   River.      The  Magdalen   River  ^   runs   between  this 


^  A  name  vaguely  applied,  on  various  early  maps,  to  the  Sabine,  the  San  Antonio, 
and  the  Rio  Grande. —  Ed. 


200  A  New  Difcovery  of 

River  and  the  Mines  of  5/.  Barbe  that  are  in  New  Mexico. 

The  Mouth  of  the  Mefchafipi  may  be  about  thirty  Leagues 
from  Rio  Bravo,  fixty  from  Palmas,  and  eighty  or  a  hundred 
from  Rio  Pamico,  the  neareft  Habitation  of  the  Spaniards;  and 
according  to  thefe  Obfervations,  the  Bay  di  Spirito  San^o'^  lies 
to  the  North-Eaft  of  the  Mefchafipi,  which  from  the  Mouth 
of  the  River  of  the  Illinois  to  the  Sea,  runs  diredlly  to  the 
South,  or  South-Weft,  except  in  its  Windings  and  Turnings, 
which  are  fo  great,  that  by  our  Computation  there  are  about 
340  Leagues  from  the  River  of  the  Illinois  to  the  Sea,  whereas 
there  are  not  above  150  in  a  dired  Line.  The  Mefchafipi  is 
very  deep,  without  being  interrupted  by  any  Sands,  fo  that 
the  biggeft  Ships  may  come  into  it.  Its  Courfe  from  its 
Source  to  the  Sea,  may  be  800  Leagues,  including  Windings 
and  Turnings,  as  I  fhall  obferve  anon,  having  travell'd  from 
its  Mouth  to  its  Head. 

My  Men  were  very  glad  of  this  Difcovery,  and  to  have 
efcap'd  fo  many  Dangers ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  they  ex- 
prefs'd  a  great  deal  of  diffatisfadtion  to  have  been  at  fuch 
trouble,  without  making  any  Profit,  having  found  no  Furrs 
to  exchange  for  their  Commodities.  They  were  fo  impatient 
to  return,  that  they  would  never  fuffer  me  to  build  a  Cabin 
upon  [130]  the  Shoar,  and  continue  there  for  fome  days,  the 
better  to  obferve  where  we  were.  They  fquar'd  a  Tree  of 
twelve  foot  high,  and  made  a  Crofs  thereof ,  which  we  eredled 


1  The  name  first  given  by  the  Spaniards  to  Mobile  Bay.  Rio  Bravo  was  an  early 
name  of  the  Rio  Grande  ;  Rio  Palmas  seems  to  correspond  to  the  present  Rio  de  San 
Fernando  ;  and  at  the  mouth  of  Rio  Panuco  is  the  city  of  Tampico,  Mex. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  201 

in  that  Place,  leaving  there  a  Letter  fign'd  by  me  and  my  two 
Men,  containing  an  Account  of  our  Voyage,  of  our  Country, 
and  ProfefTion.  We  kneei'd  then  near  the  Crofs,  and  having 
fung  the  Vexilla  Regis,  and  fome  other  Hymns,  embark'd 
again  on  the  firft  of  yipril  to  return  towards  the  Source  of 
the  River. 

We  faw  no  body  while  we  continu'd  there,  and  therefore 
cannot  tell  whether  any  Natives  inhabit  that  Coaft.  We  lay, 
during  the  time  we  remain'd  a-fhoar,  under  our  Canou's, 
fupported  with  four  Forks ;  and  the  better  to  protedl  us 
againft  the  Rain,  we  had  fome  Rolls  of  Birch-Bark,  where- 
with we  made  a  kind  of  Curtains  about  our  Canou,  hanging 
from  the  top  down  to  the  ground.  'Tis  obfervable,  that 
during  the  whole  Courfe  of  our  Sailing,  God  protected  us 
againft  the  Crocodiles,  which  are  very  numerous  in  that  River, 
and  efpecially  towards  the  Mouth :  They  look'd  dreadful, 
and  would  have  attack'd  us,  had  we  not  been  very  careful  to 
avoid  them.  We  were  very  good  Husbands  of  our  Indian 
Corn ;  for  the  Banks  of  the  River  being  full  of  Reeds,  it 
was  almoft  impofTible  to  land  to  endeavour  to  kill  fome  Beafts 
for  our  Subfiftence. 

Our  Canou  being  loaded  only  with  three  Men  and  our 
Provifions,  did  not  draw  three  Inches  Water,  and  therefore 
we  could  row  very  near  the  Shoar,  and  avoid  the  Current  of 
the  River ;  and  befides,  my  Men  had  fuch  a  defire  to  return 
to  the  North,  that  that  very  day  we  came  to  Tangibao ;  but 
becaufe  the  Savages  we  had  found  murther'd  in  their  Cabins, 
made  us  believe,  that  that  Place  was  not  fafe,  we  continu'd 


202  A  New  D  if  cover y  of 

our  Voyage  all  the  Night  long,  after  having  fupp'd,  lighting 
a  great  Match  to  fright  the  Crocodiles  away  for  they  fear 
nothing  fo  much  as  Fire. 

[131]  The  next  day,  April  2.  we  faw  towards  break  of 
Day  a  great  Smoak  not  far  from  us,  and  a  little  while  after 
we  difcover'd  four  Savage  Women  loaded  with  Wood,  and 
marching  as  faft  as  they  could  to  get  to  their  Village  before 
us ;  but  we  prov'd  too  nimble  for  them  at  firft.  However, 
fome  Buftards  coming  near  us,  one  of  my  Men  could  not 
forbear  to  fhoot  at  them;  which  fo  much  frighted  thefe 
Women,  that  they  left  their  Load  of  Wood,  and  run  away 
to  their  Village,  where  they  arriv'd  before  us.  The  Savages 
having  heard  the  Noife,  were  in  as  great  fear  as  their  Wives, 
and  left  the  Village  upon  our  approach ;  but  I  landed  im- 
mediately, and  advanc'd  alone  with  the  Calumet  of  Peace; 
whereupon  they  return'd,  and  receiv'd  us  with  all  the  Refped 
and'Civility  imaginable.  They  brought  us  into  a  great  Cabin, 
and  gave  us  feveral  things  to  eat,  fending  notice  in  the  mean 
time  to  their  Allies,  that  we  were  arriv'd  there ;  fo  that  a 
great  number  of  People  crowded  about  to  fee  us.  They  ad- 
mir'd  our  Guns,  and  lifting  up  their  Hands  to  Heaven,  made 
us  conceive  they  compar'd  them  to  Thunder  and  Lightning; 
but  feeing  us  fhoot  Birds  at  a  great  diftance,  they  were  fo 
amaz'd  that  they  could  not  fpeak  a  word.  Our  Men  were  fo 
kindly  entertain'd,  that  had  it  not  been  for  the  Commodities 
they  had  hid  under-ground,  they  would  have  remain'd 
amongft  that  Nation ;  and  truly  it  was  chiefly  to  prevent  any 
fuch  thing,  that  I  order'd  them  to  do  it ;  judging  from  the 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  203 

Civility  of  thofe  Savages,  that  they  were  like  to  be  tempted 
to  remain  with  them.  This  Nation  call'd  themfelves  Quin- 
ipiffa. 

We  made  them  fome  fmall  Prefents,  to  fhew  our  Gratitude 
for  their  kind  Entertainment,  and  left  that  Place,  y4pril  4.  and 
row'd  with  fuch  diligence,  that  we  arriv'd  the  fame  day  at 
Koroa.  That  Nation  was  not  frighted  as  at  the  firft  time, 
but  receiv'd  us  with  all  imaginable  Demonftrations  of  Joy, 
carrying  our  [132]  Canou  upon  their  Shoulders  in  a  triumph- 
ant manner,  and  twelve  Men  dancing  before  us  with  fine 
Feathers  in  their  hands.  The  Women  follow'd  us  with  their 
Children,  who  held  me  by  my  Gown  and  Girdle,  exprefling 
much  the  fame  Kindnefs  to  my  two  Men.  They  conducted 
me  in  that  manner  to  the  Cabin  they  had  prepar'd  for  us, 
made  of  fine  Mats  of  painted  Rufhes,  and  adorn'd  with  white 
Coverings  made  of  the  Bark  of  Trees,  fpun  as  finely  as  our 
Linen-Cloth  ;  and  after  we  had  refrefh'd  our  felves,  with  the 
Vidluals  they  had  prepar'd  for  us,  they  left  us  alone,  to  give 
us  time  to  refl  our  felves,  which  we  did  all  the  Night  long. 
The  next  Morning  I  was  furpriz'd  to  fee  their  Indian  Corn, 
which  we  left  very  green,  grown  already  to  Maturity;  but  I 
have  learn'd  fince,  that  that  Corn  is  ripe  fixty  days  after  it  is 
fown.  I  obferv'd  there  alfo  another  fort  of  Corn ;  but  for 
want  of  underftanding  their  Language,  I  was  not  able  to 
know  its  Ufe  and  Name. 


204  A  New  D  if  cover y  of 


CHAP.    XL. 

An  Account  of  our  Departure  from  Koroa,  to  continue  our  Voyage. 

I  LEFT  Koroa  the  next  day,  April  5.  with  a  defign  to  vifit 
feveral  Nations  inhabiting  the  Coaft  of  the  Mefchafipi^  but 
my  Men  would  never  confent  thereunto,  telling  me  that  they 
had  no  Bufinefs  there,  and  they  were  oblig'd  to  make  all  the 
hafte  they  could  towards  the  North,  to  exchange  their  Com- 
modities for  Furrs.  I  told  them,  that  the  Publick  Good  was 
to  be  preferr'd  to  Private  Intereft ;  but  I  could  not  perfwade 
them  to  any  fuch  thing  ;  and  they  told  me  that  every  one 
ought  to  be  free ;  that  they  were  refolv'd  to  go  towards  the 
Source  of  the  River,  but  that  I  might  remain  amongft  thofe 
Nations,  if  I  thought  fit.  In  fhort,  I  found  my  felf  oblig'd 
to  fubmit  to  [133]  their  Will,  though  they  had  receiv'd 
Orders  to  obey  my  Diredion.  We  arriv'd  the  7th  in  the 
Habitation  of  the  Taenfa^s^  who  had  already  been  inform'd 
of  our  return  from  the  Sea,  and  were  prepar'd  to  receive  us ; 
having  for  that  end  fent  for  their  Allies  inhabiting  the  in- 
land Country  to  the  Weft-ward  of  the  River.  They  us'd  all 
poffible  endeavours  to  oblige  us  to  remain  with  them,  and 
offer'd  us  a  great  many  things ;  but  our  Men  would  not  ftay 
one  fingle  day ;  though  I  confefs  the  Civility  of  that  People, 
and  the  good  Difpofition  I  obferv'd   in   them,  wou'd   have 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  205 

ftopp'd  me  amongft  them,  had  I  been  provided  with  things 
neceffary  for  the  Fundlion  of  my  Miniftry. 

We  parted  the  8th,  and  the  Taenfa's  follow'd  us  feveral 
Leagues  in  their  lighteft  Pyrogues,  but  were  at  laft  oblig'd  to 
quit  us,  being  not  able  to  keep  pace  with  our  Canou.  One 
of  our  Men  fhot  three  Wild-Ducks  at  once,  which  they 
admir'd  above  all  things,  it  being  impoflible  to  do  fo  with 
their  Arrows.  We  gave  them  fome  Tobacco,  and  parted 
from  them,  our  Men  rowing  with  all  their  Strength,  to  let 
them  fee  we  had  kept  company  with  them  out  of  meer 
Civility. 

The  9th,  we  came  to  the  Place  where  our  Men  had  hidden 
their  Commodities ;  but  when  my  Men  faw  that  the  Savages 
had  burnt  the  Trees  which  we  had  mark'd,  they  were  fo 
afraid,  that  they  were  near  founding  away,  and  did  not  doubt 
but  their  Goods  were  loft.  We  went  a-fhoar ;  and  while  I  was 
mending  our  Canou,  they  went  to  look  for  their  Treafure, 
which  they  found  in  good  condition.  They  were  fo  tranf- 
ported  with  Joy,  that  Picard  came  immediately  to  tell  me  that 
all  was  well.  In  the  mean  time,  the  Akanfa^s  having  receiv'd 
advice  of  our  Return,  came  down  in  great  numbers  along  the 
River  to  meet  us ;  and  left  they  fhould  fee  our  Men  taking 
again  their  Goods  from  under  the  Ground,  I  advanced  to 
meet  them  with  the  Calumet  of  Peace,  and  [134]  ftopt  them 
to  fmoak,  it  being  a  facred  Law  amongft  them  to  fmoak  in 
fuch  a  Jundure ;  and  whofoever  would  refufe,  muft  run  the 
danger  of  being  murther'd  by  the  Savages,  who  have  an  ex- 
traordinary Veneration  for  the  Calumet. 


2o6  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Whilft  I  ftopt  them,  my  Men  put  their  Commodities  into 
their  Canou,  and  came  to  take  me  into  it.  The  Savages  faw 
nothing  of  it,  of  which  I  was  very  glad ;  for  though  they 
were  our  own,  perhaps  they  might  claim  part  of  them  upon 
fome  Pretence  or  other.  I  made  feveral  figns  upon  the  Sand, 
to  make  them  apprehend  what  I  thought ;  but  with  what 
Succefs  I  don't  know,  for  I  could  not  underftand  a  word  of 
what  they  faid,  their  Language  having  no  affinity  with  thofe 
of  their  Neighbours  I  have  convers'd  withal,  both  fince  and 
after  my  Voyage  to  the  Mouth  of  the  Mefchafipi. 

I  got  into  the  Canou,  and  went  by  Water  to  the  Village 
of  the  Akanfa's^  while  they  went  by  Land  ;  but  our  Men 
row'd  fo  faft,  that  they  could  hardly  keep  pace  with  us. 
One  of  them,  who  was  a  good  Runner,  arriv'd  at  the  Village 
before  us,  and  came  to  the  Shoar  with  the  Women  and 
Children  to  receive  us,  which  they  did  even  with  more 
Civility  than  they  had  exprefs'd  the  firft  time.  Our  Men 
fufpeded  that  this  was  only  to  get  our  Commodities,  which 
they  admir'd ;  but  they  are  certainly  a  good  fort  of  People ; 
and  inftead  of  deferving  the  Name  of  a  Barbarous  Nation, 
as  the  Europeans  call  all  the  Natives  of  America^  I  think  they 
have  more  Humanity  than  many  Natives  of  Europe^  who  pre- 
tend to  be  very  civil  and  affable  to  Strangers. 

It  would  be  needlefs  to  give  here  an  exa6l  Account  of 
the  Feafts  and  Dances  that  were  made  for  our  Entertainment, 
or  of  the  Melancholy  they  exprefs'd  upon  our  Departure. 
I  muft  own,  that  I  had  much  a-do  to  leave  them,  but  my  two 
Men  would   not  give  me  leave  to  tarry  a  day,  feeing  thefe 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  207 

Nations,  having  [135]  had  no  Commerce  with  the  Europeans^ 
did  not  know  the  Value  of  Beavers  Skins,  or  other  Furrs, 
whereas  they  thought  that  the  Savages  inhabiting  about  the 
Source  of  the  Mefchafipi^  might  have  been  inform'd  thereof 
by  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Banks  of  the  upper  or  Great 
Lake,  which  we  found  to  be  true,  as  we  fhall  obferve  anon. 
We  left  the  Akanja's  upon  the  24th  of  April,  having  prefented 
them  with  feveral  little  Toys,  which  they  receiv'd  with  an 
extraordinary  Joy ;  and  during  fixty  Leagues,  faw  no  Savage 
neither  of  the  Nation  of  Chikacba,  or  Mejforite,  which  made 
us  believe  they  were  gone  a  hunting  with  their  Families,  or 
elfe  fled  away,  for  fear  of  the  Savages  of  Tintonha,  that  is  to 
fay,  fuch  as  inhabit  the  Ivleadows,  who  are  their  irreconcile- 
able  Enemies. 

This  made  our  Voyage  the  more  eafie,  for  our  Men 
landed  feveral  times  to  kill  fome  Fowl  and  other  Game,  with 
which  the  Banks  of  the  Mefchafipi  are  plentifully  flock'd  ; 
however,  before  we  came  to  the  Mouth  of  the  River  of  the 
Illinois,  we  difcover'd  feveral  of  the  Mejforites,  who  came 
down  all  along  the  River;  but  as  they  had  no  Pyrogiies  with 
them,  we  crofs'd  to  the  other  fide  ;  and  to  avoid  any  Sur- 
prize during  the  Night,  we  made  no  fire ;  and  thereby  the 
Savages  could  not  difcover  whereabout  we  were;  for  doubt- 
lefs  they  would  have  murther'd  us,  thinking  we  were  their 
Enemies. 

I  had  quite  forgot  to  relate,  that  the  Illinois  had  told  us, 
that  towards  the  Cape,  which  I  have  call'd  in  my  Map  St. 
Anthony  near  the  Nation   of  the  Mejforites,  there  were   fome 


2o8  A  New  Dlfcovery  of 

Tritons^  and  other  Sea-Monfters  painted,  which  the  boldeft 
Men  durft  not  look  upon,  there  being  fome  Enchantment  In 
their  Faces.  I  thought  this  was  a  Story ;  but  when  we  came 
near  the  Place  they  had  mention'd,  we  faw  Inftead  of  thefe 
Monfters,  a  Horfe  and  fome  other  Beafts  painted  upon  the 
Rock  with  red  Colours  by  the  Savages.^  The  Illinois  had 
told  us  likewlfe,  that  the  Rock  on  which  [136]  thefe  dreadful 
Monfters  ftood,  was  fo  fteep  that  no  Man  could  climb  up  to 
it ;  but  had  we  not  been  afraid  of  the  Savages  more  than  of 
the  Monfters,  we  had  certainly  got  up  to  them.  There  Is  a 
common  Tradition  amongft  that  People,  That  a  great  num- 
ber of  Miami's  were  drown'd  in  that  Place,  being  purfu'd  by 
the  Savages  of  Matfigamea^\  and  fince  that  time,  the  Savages 
going  by  the  Rock,  ufe  to  fmoak,  and  offer  Tobacco  to 
thofe  Beafts,  to  appeafe,  as  they  fay,  the  Manitou^  that  is,  in 
the  Language  of  the  Algonquins  and  Accadians^^  an  evil  Spirit, 
which  the  Iroquefe  call  Otkon  ;  but  the  Name  is  the  only  thing 
they  know  of  him. 


^  These  painted  figures  are  described  by  Marquette  {Jes.  Relations,  llx,  pp.  139, 
141;  cf.  312),  who  saw  them  in  1673.  The  rock  whereon  they  were  depicted  was 
"immediately  above  the  city  of  Alton,  111."  (Parkman's  La  Salle,  p.  59,  note  i). 
Amos  Stoddard  saw  them  in  18 12  ;  but  since  then  they  have  been  effaced  by  time. —  Ed, 

2  Or  Mitchigamla  ;  an  Algonqulan  tribe  living  near  the  mouth  of  St.  Francis  River, 
in  Arkansas,  when  visited  by  Marquette  ;  later,  they  had  migrated  toward  Kaskaskia, 
111,,  and  were  probably  absorbed  by  the  Kaskaskia  tribe. —  Ed. 

^  Referring  to  the  Abenakis,  the  most  numerous  Indian  tribe  In  Maine  —  a  region 
which  was  long  in  dispute  between  the  French  and  English,  as  belonging  to  Acadia, 
to  which  both  nations  laid  claim. 

Tobacco,  as  an  article  highly  prized  by  the  Indians,  was  frequently  offered  by 
them  to  the  spirits  whom  they  rudely  worshipped,  especially  to  those  of  the  winds  and 
waters. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  209 

While  I  was  at  Quebec^  I  underftood  that  M.  Jolliet^  had 
been  upon  the  Mefcbajipi,  and  oblig'd  to  return  without 
going  down  that  River,  becaufe  of  the  Monfters  I  have 
fpoken  of,  who  had  frighted  him,  as  alfo  becaufe  he  was 
afraid  to  be  taken  by  the  Spaniards;  and  having  an  Oppor- 
tunity to  know  the  Truth  of  that  Story  from  M.  Jolliet 
himfelf,  with  whom  I  had  often  travell'd  upon  the  River  St. 
Lawrence^  I  ask'd  him  whether  he  had  been  as  far  as  the 
Akanfa'sf  That  Gentleman  anfwer'd  me.  That  the  Outtaouats 
had  often  fpoke  to  him  of  thofe  Monfters ;  but  that  he  had 
never  gone  farther  than  the  Hurons  and  Outtaouats^  with  whom 
we  had  remain'd  to  exchange  our  European  Commodities  with 
their  Furrs.  He  added,  that  the  Savages  had  told  him,  that 
it  was  not  fafe  to  go  down  the  River,  becaufe  of  the  Span- 
iards. But  notwithftanding  this  Report,  I  have  found  no-where 
upon  that  River  any  Mark,  as  Croffes,  and  the  like,  that 
could  perfuade  me  that  the  Spaniards  had  been  there ;  and  the 
Savages  inhabiting  the  Mefchafipi  would  not  have  exprefs'd 
fuch  Admiration  as  they  did  when  they  faw  us,  if  they  had 
feen  any  Europeans  before.  I'll  examine  this  Queftion  more 
at  large  in  my  Second  Volume. 


1  Louis  Joliet,  of  Quebec,  was  sent  by  Frontenac  to  explore  the  Mississippi  River ; 
he  was  accompanied  from  Michillimackinac  by  the  Jesuit  Marquette.  They  followed 
the  great  river  as  far  as  the  mouth  of  the  Arkansas  ;  then,  fearing  capture  by  the 
Spaniards,  they  returned  to  Michillimackinac.  The  voyage  lasted  from  May  17  to 
the  end  of  September  in  the  year  1673. —  ^^• 
14 


210  A  New  Difcovery  of 


[137]        CHAP.    XLI. 

A  particular  Account  of  the  River  Mefchafipi ;  Of  the  Country 
thro'  which  it  flows ;  and  of  the  Mines  of  Copper^  Lead,  and 
Coals  we  difcover'd  in  our  Voyage. 

FROM  thirty  Leagues  below  Maroa,  down  to  the  Sea,  the 
Banks  of  the  Mefchafipi  are  full  of  Reeds  or  Canes ;  but 
we  obferv'd  about  forty  places,  where  one  may  land  with 
great  facility.  The  River  overflows  its  Banks  now  and  then ; 
but  the  Inundation  is  not  very  confiderable,  becaufe  of  the 
little  Hills  which  ftop  its  Waters.  The  Country  beyond  thofe 
Hills  is  the  fineft  that  ever  I  faw,  it  being  a  Plain,  whofe 
Bounds  I  don't  know,  adorn'd  now  and  then  with  fome  Hills 
and  Eminences  cover'd  with  fine  Trees,  making  the  rareft 
Profped  in  the  World.  The  Banks  of  the  fmall  Rivers  flow- 
ing through  the  Plain,  are  planted  with  Trees,  which  look  as 
if  they  had  been  difpofed  into  that  curious  Order  by  the 
Art  of  Men ;  and  they  are  plentifully  flock'd  with  Fifh,  as 
well  as  the  Mefchafipi.  The  Crocodiles  are  very  dangerous 
upon  this  great  River,  as  I  have  already  obferv'd ;  and  they 
devour  a  Man  if  they  can  furprize  him ;  but  'tis  eafie  to 
avoid  them,  for  they  don't  fwim  after  Men,  nor  follow  them 
a-flioar. 

The  Country  afi^ords  all  forts  of  Game,  as  Turkey-Cocks, 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  211 

Partridges,  Quails,  Parrots,  Wood-Cocks,  Turtle-Doves,  and 
Wood-Pidgeons ;  and  abundance  of  wild  Bulls,  wild  Goats, 
Stags,  Beavers,  Otters,  Martins,  and  wild  Cats :  But  as  we 
approach'd  nearer  the  Sea,  we  faw  no  Beavers.  I  defign  to 
give  a  particular  Account  of  thefe  Creatures  in  another  place ; 
in  the  mean  time  we  fhall  take  notice  of  two  others,  who  are 
unknown  in  Europe. 

[138]  I  have  already  mention'd  a  little  Animal,  like  a 
Musk'd-Rat,  that  M.  la  Salle  kill'd  as  we  came  from  Fort 
Miamis  to  the  Illinois^  which  deferves  a  particular  Defcription. 
It  looks  like  a  Rat  as  to  the  Shape  of  its  Body,  but  it  is  as 
big  as  a  Cat :  His  Skin  looks  Silver-like,  with  fome  fair  black 
Hair,  which  makes  the  Colour  the  more  admirable.  His  Tail 
is  without  any  Hair,  as  big  as  a  Man's  Finger,  and  about  a 
Foot  long,  wherewith  he  hangs  himfelf  to  the  Boughs  of 
Trees.  That  Creature  has  under  the  Belly  a  kind  of  a  Bag, 
wherein  they  put  their  young  ones  when  they  are  purfu'd ; 
which  is  one  of  the  moft  wonderful  things  of  the  World,  and 
a  clear  Demonftration  of  the  Providence  and  Goodnefs  of 
the  Almighty,  who  takes  fo  particular  a  Care  of  the  meaneft 
of  his  Creatures. 

There  is  no  fierce  Beaft  in  all  that  Country  that  dares 
attack  Men ;  for  the  Mechibichi,  the  moft  terrible  of  all,  and 
who  devours  all  other  Beafts  whatfoever,  runs  away  upon  the 
approach  of  a  Savage.  The  Head  of  that  Creature  is  very 
like  that  of  the  fpotted  Lynx,  but  fomewhat  bigger:  his 
Body  is  long,  and  as  large  as  a  wild  Goat,  but  his  Legs  are 
fliorter;  his  Paws  are  like  a  Cat's-Foot;   but  the  Claws  are 


212  A  New  Difcovery  of 

fo  long  and  ftrong,  that  no  other  Beaft  can  refift  them.  When 
they  have  kill'd  any  Beaft,  they  eat  part  of  it,  and  carry  the 
reft  upon  their  Back,  to  hide  it  in  the  Woods  ;  and  I  have 
been  told  that  no  other  Beaft  dare  meddle  with  it.  Their 
Skin  is  much  like  that  of  a  Lion,  as  well  as  their  Tail ;  but 
their  Head  is  much  bigger.^ 

The  Savages  gave  us  to  underftand  that  to  the  Weftward 
of  their  Habitation,  there  are  fome  Beafts  who  carry  Men 
upon  their  Backs,  and  fhew'd  us  the  Hoof  and  part  of  the 
Leg  of  one,  which  was  certainly  the  Hoof  of  a  Horfe ;  and 
furely  Horfes  muft  not  be  utterly  unknown  in  the  Northern 
America:  for  then  how  cou'd  the  Savages  have  drawn  [139] 
upon  the  Rock  I  have  mention'd,  the  Figure  of  that  Animal? 

They  have  in  that  Country  all  forts  of  Trees  we  have  in 
Europe,  and  a  great  many  other  unknown  to  us.  There  are 
the  fineft  Cedars  in  the  World ;  and  another  fort  of  Tree, 
from  which  drops  a  moft  fragrant  Gum,  which  in  my  opinion 
exceeds  our  beft  Perfumes.^  The  Cotton-Trees  are  of  a 
prodigious  height ;  the  Savages  make  them  hollow  with  Fire, 
to  make  their  Pyrogues  of  them ;  and  we  have  feen  fome  of 
them  all  of  a-piece,  above  an  hundred  Foot  long.  The  Oak 
is  fo  good,  that  I  believe  it  exceeds  ours  for  building  Ships. 
I  have  obferv'd  that  Hemp  grows  naturally  in  that  Country, 
and  that  they  make  Tarr  and  Pitch  toward  the  Sea-Coafts; 

1  Apparently  the  panther,  or  catamount  {Felis  concolor) .  Micipici  {Mechibichi) 
is  an  Algonkin  word  meaning  "  great  lynx,"  and  is  a  generic  term  for  all  large 
felines. —  Ed. 

2  The  sweet-gum  tree  {Liquidambar  styraciflua) . —  Ed. 


a  L,arge  Country  in  America.  213 

and  as  I  don't  queftion  but  that  there  are  fome  Iron-Mines, 
the  Building  of  Men  of  War  wou'd  be  very  cheap  in  the 
River  Mefchafipi. 

I  took  notice  in  my  Defcription  of  Louijiana,  that  there 
are  vaft  Meadows,  vi^hich  need  not  to  be  grubb'd  up,  but 
are  ready  for  the  Plow  and  Seed ;  and  certainly  the  Soil  muft 
be  very  fruitful,  fince  Beans  grow  naturally,  without  any 
Culture.  Their  Stalks  fubfift  feveral  Years,  bearing  Fruit  in 
the  proper  Seafons:  They  are  as  big  as  one's  Arm,  and  climb 
up  the  higheft  Trees,  juft  as  Ivy  does.  The  Peach-Trees  are 
like  ours,  and  fo  fruitful,  that  they  wou'd  break  if  they  were 
not  fupported.  Their  Forefts  are  full  of  Mulberry-Trees 
and  Plum-Trees,  whofe  Fruit  is  bemusk'd.  They  have  alfo 
plenty  of  Pomegranate-Trees  and  Cheftnut-Trees :  And  'tis 
obfervable,  that  all  thefe  Trees  are  cover'd  with  Vines,  whofe 
Grapes  are  very  big  and  fweet. 

They  have  three  or  four  Crops  of  Indian  Corn  in  one 
Year ;  for  they  have  no  other  Winter  than  fome  Rains.  We 
had  not  time  enough  to  look  for  Mines ;  but  we  found  in 
feveral  Places  fome  Pit-Coal ;  and  the  Savages  fhew'd  us  great 
Mines  of  Lead  and  Copper.  [140]  They  have  alfo  Quarries 
of  Freeftone ;  and  of  black,  white,  and  Jafper-like  Marble,  of 
which  they  make  their  Calumets. 

Thefe  Savages  are  good-natur'd  Men,  affable,  civil,  and 
obliging;  but  I  defign  to  make  a  particular  Tra6t  concerning 
their  Manners,  in  my  Second  Volume.  It  feems  they  have  no 
Sentiments  of  Religion ;   though  one  may  judge  from  their 


214  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Adions  that  they  have  a  kind  of  Veneration  for  the  Sun, 
which  they  acknowledge,  as  it  feems,  for  the  Maker  and 
Preferver  of  all  things. 

When  the  Nadouejfians  and  Iffati  take  Tobacco,  they  look 
upon  the  Sun,  which  they  call  in  their  Language  Louis;  and 
as  foon  as  they  have  lighted  their  Pipe,  they  prefent  it  to 
the  Sun  with  thefe  Words,  Tchendiouba  Louis,  that  is  to  fay, 
Smoak  Sun;  which  I  took  for  a  kind  of  Adoration.  I  was 
glad  when  I  heard  that  this  only  Deity  was  call'd  Louis, 
becaufe  it  was  alfo  my  Name.^  They  call  the  Moon  Louis 
Bafatfche,  that  is  to  fay.  The  Sun  of  the  Night ;  fo  that  the 
Moon  and  Sun  have  the  fame  Name,  except  that  the  Moon 
is  diftinguifh'd  by  the  Word  Bafatfche. 

They  offer  alfo  to  the  Sun  the  beft  Part  of  the  Beaft  they 
kill,  which  they  carry  to  the  Cabin  of  their  Chief,  who  makes 
his  Profit  thereof,  and  mum-bles  fome  Words  as  it  raifes. 
They  offer  alfo  the  firft  Smoak  of  their  Calumets,  and  then 
blow  the  Smoak  towards  the  four  Corners  of  the  World. 
This  is  all  I  have  obferv'd  concerning  their  Religion ;  which 
makes  me  believe  that  they  have  a  religious  Veneration  for 
the  Sun. 


^The  Yankton  band  of  Sioux  call  the  sun  oouee,  which,  it  is  evident,  represents 
the  French  pronunciation  of  Louis,  omitting  the  initial  letter.  This  Hennepin 
would  be  apt  enough  to  supply,  thereby  conferring  a  compliment  alike  on  himself 
and  on  Louis  XIV,  who,  to  the  indignation  of  his  brother  monarchs,  had  chosen  the 
sun  as  his  emblem. —  Parkman's  La  Salle,  p.  231,  note  2. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  215 


[141]        CHAP.    XLII. 

An  Account  of  the  various  Languages  of  the  Nations  inhabiting 
the  Banks  of  the  Mefchafipi ;  of  their  Submiffwn  to  their 
Chief ;  of  the  Difference  of  their  Manners  from  the  Savages 
of  Canada;  and  of  the  Difficulties^  or  rather  Impoffibilities 
attending  their  Converfion. 

IS  very  ftrange  that  every  Nation  of  the  Savages  of 
the  Northern  America  fhould  have  a  peculiar  Lan- 
guage ;  for  though  fome  of  them  live  not  ten  Leagues  one 
from  another,  they  muft  ufe  an  Interpreter  to  talk  together, 
there  being  no  univerfal  Language  amongft  them ;  as  one 
may  call  the  Lingua  Franca^  which  is  underftood  upon  all  the 
Coaft  of  the  Mediterranean-Sea ;  or  the  Latin  Tongue,  com- 
mon to  all  the  Learned  Men  of  Europe.  However,  thofe  who 
live  fo  near  one  another,  underftand  fome  Words  us'd  amongft 
their  Neighbours,  but  not  well  enough  to  treat  together  with- 
out an  Interpreter ;  and  therefore  they  us'd  to  fend  one  of 
their  Men  to  each  of  their  Allies,  to  learn  their  Language, 
and  remain  with  them  as  their  Refident,  and  take  Care  of 
their  Concerns. 

Thefe  Savages  differ  from  thofe  of  Canada  both  in  their 
Manners,  Cuftoms,  Temper,  Inclinations,  and   even   in   the 


2i6  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Shape  of  their  Heads ;  thofe  of  the  Mefchafipi  having  their 
Heads  very  flat.  They  have  large  Places  in  their  Villages, 
where  they  meet  together  upon  any  publick  Rejoicings ;  and 
where  they  have  publick  Games  at  certain  Seafons  of  the 
Year.  They  are  lively  and  adlive,  having  nothing  of  that 
Morofity  and  Penfivenefs  of  the  Iroqueje  and  others.  Their 
Chiefs  have  a  more  abfolute  Authority  than  thofe  of  the 
other  Savages,  which  Power  is  very  narrow;  and  thofe  who 
live  the  neareft  to  the  Mouth  of  the  River,  have  fuch  a  Def- 
erence for  their  [142]  Chief,  that  they  dare  not  pafs  between 
him  and  a  Flambeau,  which  is  always  carry'd  before  him  in 
all  Ceremonies.  Thefe  Chiefs  have  Servants  and  Officers  to 
wait  upon  them :  They  diftribute  Rewards  and  Prefents  as 
they  think  fit.  In  fhort,  they  have  amongft  them  a  Form  of 
Political  Government ;  and  I  muft  own  they  make  a  tolerable 
ufe  of  their  Reafon. 

They  were  altogether  ignorant  of  Fire-Arms,  and  all  other 
Inftruments  and  Tools  of  Iron  and  Steel,  their  Knives  and 
Axes  being  made  of  Flint,  and  other  fharp  Stones :  And 
whereas  we  were  told  that  the  Spaniards  of  New  Mexico  liv'd 
not  above  forty  Leagues  from  them,  and  fupply'd  them  with 
all  the  Tools,  and  other  Commodities  of  Europe ;  we  found 
nothing  among  them  that  might  be  fufpedted  to  come  from 
the  Europeans^  unlefs  it  be  fome  little  pieces  of  Glafs  ftrung 
upon  a  Thread,  with  which  their  Women  ufe  to  adorn  their 
Heads.  They  wear  Bracelets  and  Ear-Rings  of  fine  Pearls, 
which  they  fpoil,  having  nothing  to  boar  them  with,  but  with 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  217 

Fire.  They  made  us  to  underftand  that  they  have  them  in 
exchange  for  their  Calumets^  from  fome  Nations  inhabiting 
the  Coaft  of  the  great  Lake  to  the  South-ward,  which  I  take 
to  be  the  Gulph  of  Florida. 

I'll  fay  nothing  here,  or  at  leaft  very  little,  concerning 
their  Converfion,  referving  to  difcourfe  fully  upon  that 
Subje6l,  in  another  Volume^  wherein  I  promife  my  felf  to 
undeceive  many  People  about  the  falfe  Opinions  they  enter- 
tain on  this  Matter.  Where-ever  the  Apoftles  appear'd,  they 
converted  fo  great  a  number  of  People,  that  the  Gofpel  was 
known  and  believ'd  in  a  fhort  time,  thro'  moft  part  of  the 
then  known  World.  But  our  Modern  Miflions  are  not 
attended  with  that  Grace  and  Power,  and  therefore  we  are 
not  to  expedl  thofe  miraculous  Converfions.  I  have  imparted 
to  them,  as  well  as  I  cou'd,  the  chief  and  general  Truths  of 
the  Chr'iftian  Religion:  But,  as  [143]  I  have  obferv'd  already, 
the  Languages  of  thofe  Nations  having  little  or  no  Affinity 
one  with  another,  I  cannot  fay  that  my  Endeavours  have 
been  very  fuccefsful,  tho'  I  learn'd  the  Language  of  the  IJfati 
or  Nadoujfians^  and  underftood  indifferently  well  that  of  the 
Illinois :  But  the  Truths  of  Chriftianity  are  fo  fublime,  that  I 
fear,  neither  my  Words  nor  Signs  and  Adions  have  been 
able  to  give  them  an  Idea  of  what  I  preach'd  unto  them. 
GOD  alone,  who  knows  the  Hearts  of  Men,  knows  alfo 
what  Succefs  my  Endeavours  have  had.  The  Baptifm  I  have 
adminifter'd  to  feveral  Children,  of  whofe  Death  I  was 
morally  affur'd,  is  the  only  certain  Fruit  of  my  Miffion.    But 


2i8  A  New  Difcovery  of 

after  all,  I  have  only  difcover'd  the  Way  for  other  MifTion- 
aries,  and  (hall  be  ready  at  all  times  to  return  thither,  thinking 
my  felf  very  happy  if  I  can  fpend  the  reft  of  my  Days  in 
endeavouring  my  own  and  other  Mens  Salvation ;  and  efpe- 
cially  in  favour  of  thofe  poor  Nations,  who  have  been  hitherto 
ignorant  of  their  Creator  and  Redeemer.  But  left  I  fhou'd 
tire  the  Reader,  I  reaffume  the  Thread  of  my  Difcourfe. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  219 


CHAP.    XLIII. 

An  Account  of  the  Fijhery  of  the  Sturgeons  ;  and  of  the  Coiirfe  we 
took,  for  fear  of  meeting  fome  of  our  Men  from  Fort  Crevecoeur. 

WE  embarqu'd  the  Twenty  fourth  of  April,  as  I  have 
already  faid ;  and  our  Provifions  being  fpent  fome 
Days  after,  we  had  nothing  to  live  upon,  but  the  Game  we 
kill'd,  or  the  Fifh  we  cou'd  catch.  Stags,  wild  Goats,  and 
even  wild  Bulls  are  pretty  fcarce  toward  the  Mouth  of  the 
River  of  the  Illinois;  for  this  Nation  comes  as  far  as  the 
Mefchafipi  to  hunt  them ;  but  by  good  chance  we  found  a 
great  quantity  [144]  of  Sturgeons,  with  long  Bills,  as  we 
call'd  them,  from  the  fhape  of  their  Head.^  It  was  then  the 
Seafon  that  thefe  Fifhes  fpawn ;  and  they  come  as  near  the 
Shore  as  they  can  ;  fo  that  we  kill'd  as  many  as  we  wou'd 
with  our  Axes  and  Swords,  without  fpending  our  Powder 
and  Shot.  They  were  fo  numerous,  that  we  took  nothing 
but  the  Belly,  and  other  dainty  Parts,  throwing  oflF  the  reft. 
As  we  came  near  the  Mouth  of  the  River  of  the  Illinois, 
my  Men  begun  to  be  very  afraid  to  meet  with  their  Com- 
rades of  Fort  Crevecmir ;  for  having  not  yet  exchang'd  their 
Commodities,  as  they  were  order'd,  and  refus'd  to  go  North- 


1  Probably  the  spade-fish  {Polyodon  spatula),  described  more  fully  by  Marquette 
{Jes.  Relations,  lix,  p.  m) ;  and  by  Le  Page  du  Pratz  {Hist.  Louisiane,  ii,  p.  154; 
see  illustration  at  p.  152). —  Ed. 


220  A  New  Difcovery  of 

ward  at  firft,  as  I  defir'd  them,  they  had  great  reafon  to  fear 
that  they  wou'd  ftop  them,  and  punilh  them  for  not  having 
follow'd  my  Dire6lIons.  I  was  likewife  afraid  that  by  thefe 
Means  our  Voyage  towards  the  Sea  wou'd  be  difcover'd, 
(there  being  fome  Reafons  to  keep  It  fecret,  as  I  fhall  obferve 
in  another  place)  and  our  farther  Difcovery  ftopt ;  and  there- 
fore to  prevent  any  fuch  thing,  I  advis'd  them  to  row  all  the 
Night,  and  to  reft  our  felves  during  the  Day  In  the  Iflands, 
which  are  fo  numerous  in  that  River.  The  Trees  and  Vines 
wherewith  thofe  Iflands  are  cover'd,  are  fo  thick,  that  one 
can  hardly  land ;  and  fo  we  might  lie  there  very  fafe.  It  being 
ImpofTible  to  difcover  us.  This  Advice  was  approv'd,  and 
thereby  we  avoided  any  Rencounter  ;  for  I  did  not  doubt 
but  our  Men  came  now  and  then  from  Fort  Crevecceiir,  to 
obferve  the  Mefchaftpi,  and  get  Intelligence  of  us.  But  when 
we  found  our  felves  pretty  far  from  the  River  of  the  Illinois^ 
we  travell'd  in  the  Day-time,  as  we  ufed  to  do,  in  order  to 
make  our  Obfervatlons,  and  view  the  Country ;  which  does 
not  appear  fo  fertll,  nor  cover'd  with  fo  fine  Trees  above 
the  River  of  the  Illinois,  as  it  is  below,  down  the  Mefchaftpi 
to  the  Sea. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  221 


[145]        CHAP.    XLIV. 

A  jhort  Account  of  the  Rivers  that  fall  into  the  Mefchafipi ;  of 
the  Lake  of  Tears ;  of  the  Fall  of  St.  Anthony ;  of  the  wild 
Oats  of  that  Country;  and  feveral  other  Circumflances  of  our 
Voyage. 

NO  Rivers,  as  I  have  already  faid,  run  into -the  Mefchafipi 
between  the  River  of  the  Illinois  and  the  Fall  of  St. 
Anthony^  from  the  Weftward,  but  the  River  Ottenta,  and 
another  which  difcharges  it  felf  into  it  within  eight  Leagues 
of  the  faid  Fall :  But  on  the  Eaftward  we  met  with  a  pretty 
large  River,  call'd  Ouifconfin,  or  Mifconfm  [Wisconsin],  which 
comes  from  the  Northward.  This  River  is  near  as  large  as 
that  of  the  Illinois;  but  I  cannot  give  an  exadl  Account  of 
the  length  of  Its  Courfe,  for  we  left  it  about  fixty  Leagues 
from  Its  Mouth,  to  make  a  Portage  into  another  River,  which 
runs  Into  the  Bay  of  Puans,  as  I  fhall  obferve  when  I  come 
to  fpeak  of  our  return  from  Iffati  into  Canada.  This  River 
Ouifconfin  runs  into  the  Alefchafipi  about  an  hundred  Leagues 
above  that  of  the  Illinois. 

Within  five  and  twenty  Leagues  after,  we  met  another 
River  coming  from  the  Eaftward,  nam'd  by  the  Iffati  and 
Nadouffians,  Chebadeba,  that  is.  The  Black  River.  I  can  fay 
very  little  of  it,  having  obferv'd  only  its  Mouth ;  but  I  judge 


222  A  New  Difcovery  of 

from  that,  that  it  is  not  very  conliderable.  About  thirty 
Leagues  higher  we  found  the  Lake  of  Tears,  which  we  nam'd 
fo  becaufe  the  Savages,  who  took  us,  as  it  will  be  hereafter 
related,  confulted  in  this  Place  what  they  fhould  do  with  their 
Prifoners ;  and  thofe  who  were  for  murthering  us,  cry'd  all 
the  Night  upon  us,  to  oblige,  by  their  Tears,  their  Com- 
panions to  confent  to  our  Death.  This  Lake  is  form'd  by 
the  Mefchafipi,  and  may  be  [146]  feven  Leagues  long,  and 
five  broad.  Its  Waters  are  almoft  ftagnant,  the  Stream 
being  hardly  perceptible  in  the  middle.^  We  met,  within  a 
League  above  the  Lake,  another  River,  call'd.  The  River  of 
the  Wild  Biills,^  becaufe  of  the  great  number  of  thofe  Beafts 
grazing  upon  its  Banks.  It  falls  with  a  great  rapidity  into 
the  Mefchafipi ;  but  fome  Leagues  above  its  Mouth,  the 
Stream  is  very  gentle  and  moderate.  There  is  an  infinite 
number  of  large  Tortoifes  in  that  River,  which  are  very  rel- 
ifhing.  A  Row  of  Mountains  fence  its  Banks  in  fome  places. 
There  is  another  River,  which  falls  forty  Leagues  above 
this  laft,  into  the  Mefchafipi;  thro'  which  one  may  go  into 
the  Upper  Lake,  by  making  a  Portage  from  it  into  the 
River  Nifjipikouet,  which  runs  into  the  fame  Lake.^  It  is  full 
of  Rocks  and  rapid  Streams.  We  nam'd  it  The  River  of  the 
Grave,  or  Maiifolaum,  becaufe  the  Savages  bury'd  there  one 
of  their  Men,  who  was  bitten  by  a  Rattle-Snake.    They  us'd 


^Lake  Pepin,  lying  between  Wisconsin  and  Minnesota. —  Ed. 
^The  present  Buffalo  River,  Wisconsin. — ^Ed. 

^Apparently  the  St.  Croix  and  Bois  Brule  Rivers,  long  an  important  fur-trade 
route  between  the  Mississippi  and  Lake  Superior. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  223 

great  Ceremonies  in  his  Funeral,  which  I  fhall  defcribe  in 
another  place ;  and  I  put  upon  his  Corps  a  white  Covering ; 
for  which  the  Savages  return'd  me  their  publick  Thanks,  and 
made  a  great  Feaft,  to  which  above  an  hundred  Men  were 
invited. 

The  Navigation  of  the  Mejchafipi  is  interrupted  ten 
Leagues  above  this  River  of  the  Grave,  by  a  Fall  of  fifty  or 
fixty  Foot,  which  we  call'd  The  Fall  of  St.  Anthony  of  Padua, 
whom  we  had  taken  for  the  Protedlor  of  our  Difcovery. 
There  is  a  Rock  of  a  Pyramidal  Figure,  juft  in  the  middle 
of  the  Fall  of  the  River. 

The  Row  of  Mountains  fencing  the  Banks  of  the  Mef- 
chafipi,  ends  at  the  Mouth  of  the  River  of  Ouifconfin ;  and 
there  we  likewife  obferv'd,  that  that  River,  which  runs  from 
thence  to  the  Sea  almoft  diredlly  North  and  South,  runs  then 
from  the  Weftward  or  the  North- Weft.  The  Misfortune  we 
had  of  being  taken  Prifoners,  hindred  us  from  going  as  far 
as  its  [147]  Source,  which  we  cou'd  never  learn  from  the 
Savages,  who  told  us  only,  that  about  twenty  or  thirty 
Leagues  above  the  Fall  of  St.  Anthony,  there  is  another  Fall; 
near  which  a  Nation  of  Savages  inhabit  at  certain  Seafons  of 
the  Year.  They  call  thofe  Nations  Tintonha,  that  is.  The 
Inhabitants  of  the  Meadows. 

Eight  Leagues  above  the  Fall  of  St.  Anthony,  we  met  with 
the  River  of  the  Iffati  or  Nadouffians,  which  is  very  narrow 
at  the  Mouth.  It  comes  out  from  the  Lake  of  the  Iffati, 
lying  about  feventy  Leagues  from  its  Mouth.    We  call'd  this 


224  A  New  Difcovery  of 

River  The  River  of  St.  Francis'^',  and  it  was  in  this  Place  that 
we  were  made  Slaves  by  the  Ijfati. 

The  Courfe  of  the  Mejchafipi^  according  to  our  beft 
Computation,  is  about  Eight  hundred  Leagues  long,  from 
Tintonha  to  the  Sea,  including  its  Windings  and  Turnings ; 
which  are  very  great,  and  may  be  navigable  from  the  Fall  of 
St.  Anthony^  for  flat-bottom'd  Boats,  provided  the  Iflands  were 
clear'd  from  Trees,  and  efpecially  from  Vines ;  which  having 
ty'd  the  Trees  together,  wou'd  ftop  a  Boat  in  many  Places. 

The  Country  about  the  Lake  Iffad  is  a  Marfliy  Ground, 
wherein  grows  abundance  of  wild  Oats,  which  grow  without 
any  Culture  or  Sowing,  in  Lakes,  provided  they  are  not 
above  three  Foot  deep.  That  Corn  is  fomewhat  like  our 
Oats,  but  much  better ;  and  its  Stalks  are  a  great  deal  longer 
when  it  is  ripe.^  The  Savages  gather  it,  and  live  thereupon 
feveral  Months  of  the  Year,  making  a  kind  of  Broath  thereof. 
The  Savage  Women  are  oblig'd  to  tie  feveral  Stalks  together 
with  White  Bark  of  Trees,  to  fright  away  the  Ducks,  Teals, 
or  Swans,  which  otherwife  wou'd  fpoil  it  before  it  be  ripe. 

This  Lake  of  Ijfati  lies  within  fixty  Leagues  to  the  Weft- 
ward  of  the  Upper  Lake ;  but  'tis  impoffible  to  travel  by 
Land  from  one  to  the  other,  unlefs  it  be  in  [148]  a  hard 
Froft,  becaufe  of  the  Marfliy  Grounds,  which  otherwife  fink 
under  a  Man ;  but,  as  I  have  already  faid,  they  may  ufe  their 


1  Rum  River,  the  outlet  of  the  lake  known  as  Mille  Lacs. —  Ed. 

2  The  wild  rice,  Zizania  aquatica.  For  full  information  regarding  this  grain  and 
its  use  as  food,  see  A.  E.  Jenks's  excellent  monograph,  "  Wild  Rice  Gatherers  of  the 
Upper  Lakes,"  in  19th  Annual  Report  of  U.  S.  Bureau  of  Ethnology. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  225 

Canou's,  tho'  it  be  very  troublefom,  becaufe  of  the  many 
Portages^  and  the  length  of  the  Way,  which,  by  Reafon  of  the 
Windings  of  the  River,  is  about  a  hundred  and  fifty  Leagues. 
The  fhorteft  way  is  by  the  River  of  the  Grave  [St.  Croix], 
thro'  which  we  went  in  our  return.  We  found  nothing  but 
the  Bones  of  the  Savage  we  had  bury'd  there,  the  Bears 
having  pull'd  out  with  their  Paws  the  great  Stakes  the 
Savages  had  beat  deep  into  the  Ground  round  about  the 
Corps ;  which  is  their  ufual  Way  of  Burying  their  Dead. 
We  found  near  the  Grave  a  Calumet  or  Pipe  of  War,  and  a 
Pot,  in  which  the  Savages  had  left  fome  fat  Meat  of  Wild 
Bulls,  for  the  Ufe  of  their  dead  Friend,  during  his  Voyage 
into  the  Country  of  Souls;  which  fheweth  that  they  believe 
their  Immortality. 

There  are  many  other  Lakes  near  the  River  TJfati,  from 
which  feveral  Rivers  fpring.  The  Banks  of  thofe  Rivers  are 
inhabited  by  the  IJfati,  the  Nadoujfians,  the  Tintonha  or  Inhab- 
itants of  Meadows^  the  Ouadebathon  or  Men  of  Rivers^  the 
Cbongasketon  or  Nation  of  the  Wolf  or  the  Dog,  for  Chonga 
fignifies  either  of  thefe  Creatures.  There  are  alfo  feveral 
other  Nations,  which  we  include  under  the  general  Denomi- 
nation of  Nadouffians}     Thefe  Savages  may  bring  into  the 


1  For  information  regarding  the  history,  organization,  customs,  and  present  status 
of  the  Siouan  tribes,  see  the  Reports  of  the  U.  S.  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  especially  that 
for  1885-86  (Powell's  "  Indian  Linguistic  Families"),  and  for  1893-94  (McGee's 
"  Siouan  Indians,"  and  Dorsey's  "  Siouan  Sociology")  ;  Riggs's  "  Dakota  Gram- 
mar," etc.,  vol.  ix  of  U.  S.  Geog.  and  Geol.  Survey  of  Rocky  Mountain  Region 
(Washington,   1893);    and  Weill's  Hist.  Minnesota,  and  Dahkotah  Land  (Phila., 

1859).— Ed. 

15 


226  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Field  eight  or  nine  thoufand  Men :  They  are  Brave,  Bold, 
great  Runners,  and  good  Markfmen  with  their  Arrows.  It 
was  a  Party  of  thefe  Savages  that  took  us  Prifoners,  and 
carry'd  us  to  the  Iffati^  as  I  am  going  to  relate  in  the  follow- 
ing Chapter. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  227 


[149]        CHAP.    XLV. 

The  Author  and  his  Canou-Men  are  taken  by  the  Savages^  who, 
after  feveral  Attempts  upon  their  Lives,  carry  them  away  with 
them  into  their  Country  above  the  River  Mefchafipi. 

WE  ufed  to  go  to  Prayers  thrice  a  Day,  as  I  have  elfe- 
where  obferv'd ;  and  my  conftant  Requeft  to  God 
was,  That  when  we  fhou'd  firft  meet  the  Savages,  it  might 
happen  to  be  by  Day.  Their  Cuftom  is,  to  kill  as  Enemies 
all  they  meet  by  Night,  to  enrich  themfelves  with  their  Spoils, 
which  are  nothing  but  a  parcel  of  Hatchets,  Knives,  and  fuch 
like  Trifles ;  which  yet  they  value  more  than  we  do  Gold  or 
Silver.  They  make  no  fcruple  to  affailinate  even  their  own 
Allies,  when  they  think  they  can  handfomly  conceal  the 
Murder;  for  by  fuch  Exploits  it  is  they  hope  to  gain  the 
Reputation  of  being  great  Soldiers,  and  to  pafs  for  Men  of 
Courage  and  Refolution. 

'Twas  with  a  great  deal  of  Satisfaction  that  we  furvey'd 
the  Pleafures  of  the  River  Mefchafipi,  all  along  our  Paffage 
up  it,  which  had  been  iince  the  firft  of  April.  Nothing  as 
yet  had  interrupted  our  Obfervations,  whether  it  were  navi- 
gable above  or  below.  In  our  way  we  kill'd  feven  or  eight 
Buftards  or  Wild  Turkeys,  which  in  thefe  Countries  encreafe 
mightily,  as  well  as  all  other  Wild  Creatures.     We  had  alfo 


228  A  New  Difcovery  of 

plenty  of  Bulls,  Deers,  Caftors  [Beavers],  Fifh,  and  Bears 
Flefh ;  which  laft  we  kill'd  as  they  were  fwimming  over  the 
River. 

And  here  I  cannot  forbear  ferioufly  refleding  on  that 
fecret  Pleafure  and  Satisfadion  of  Mind,  which  is  to  be 
found  in  Prayer,  and  the  real  Advantages  which  may  be 
drawn  from  thence,  when  I  confider  how  [150]  effedlually 
my  own  were  heard :  For  the  fame  Day,  being  the  Twelfth 
of  Aprils  as  our  two  Men  were  boiling  one  of  the  Buftards, 
and  my  felf  refitting  our  Canou  on  the  Banks  of  the  River, 
I  perceiv'd  all  of  a  fudden,  about  Two  in  the  Afternoon,  no 
lefs  than  fifty  Canou's,  which  were  made  of  Bark,  and  mann'd 
with  a  hundred  and  twenty  Savages,  who  were  ftark  naked, 
and  came  down  the  River  with  an  extraordinary  Swiftnefs,  to 
furprize  the  Miami' s^  Illinois,  and  Marohans  [Tamaroas] ,  their 
Enemies. 

We  threw  away  the  Broath  which  was  a  preparing,  and 
getting  aboard  as  faft  as  we  cou'd,  made  towards  them,  crying 
out  thrice,  Miftigouche  and  Diatchez,  which  in  the  Language 
of  the  Iroquefe  and  Algonquins,  is  as  much  as  to  fay,  Comrades, 
we  are  Men  of  Wooden  Canon's;  for  fo  they  call  thofe  that 
fail  in  great  Veffels.  This  had  no  effedl,  for  the  Barbarians 
underftood  not  what  we  faid ;  fo  that  they  furrounded  us 
immediately,  and  began  to  let  fly  their  Arrows  at  a  diftance, 
till  the  Eldeft  amongft  them  perceiving  that  I  had  a  Calumet 
or  Pipe  of  Peace  in  my  hand,  came  up  to  us,  and  prevented 
our  being  murdered  by  their  Warriours. 

Thefe  Men  who  are  more  brutal  than  thofe  of  the  lower 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  229 

River,  fell  a  jumping  out  of  their  Canou's,  fome  upon  Land, 
others  into  the  Water;  furrounding  us  on  all  Sides  with 
Shrieks  and  Out-cries  that  were  indeed  very  terrifying.  'Twas 
to  no  purpofe  to  refifl:,  being  but  three  to  fo  great  a  number. 
One  of  them  fnatch'd  the  Pipe  of  Peace  out  of  my  Hand, 
as  our  Canou  and  theirs  were  faftned  together  on  the  Bank 
of  the  River.  We  prefented  them  with  fome  fmall  Pieces  of 
Martinico  Tobacco,  becaufe  it  was  better  than  what  they  had. 
As  they  receiv'd  it,  the  Elders  of  them  cry'd  out  Miahima, 
Miahima  ;  but  what  they  meant  by  it,  we  knew  not.  How- 
ever, we  made  Signs  with  our  Oars  upon  the  Sand,  that  the 
MiamVs  their  Enemies,  whom  they  were  in  fearch  of,  had 
[151]  pafs'd  the  River,  and  were  upon  their  Flight  to  join 
the  Illinois. 

When  they  faw  themfelves  difcover'd,  and  confequently 
out  of  all  hopes  of  furprizing  their  Enemies,  three  or  four 
of  the  eldeft  of  them  laid  their  hands  on  my  Head,  and  began 
to  weep  bitterly,  accompanying  their  Tears  with  fuch  mourn- 
ful Accents  as  can  hardly  be  exprefs'd ;  till  with  a  forry 
Handkerchief  of  Armenian  Cloth,  which  I  had  left,  I  made 
a  Shift  to  dry  up  their  Tears :  However,  to  very  little  pur- 
pofe ;  for  refufing  to  fmoak  in  our  Calumet  or  Pipe  of  Peace, 
they  thereby  gave  us  to  underftand,  that  their  defign  was  ftill 
to  murder  us.  Hereupon  with  an  horrid  Out-cry,  which 
they  fet  up  all  at  once,  to  make  it  yet  the  more  terrible, 
they  hurry'd  us  crofs  the  River,  forcing  us  to  redouble  the 
Stroaks  of  our  Oar,  to  make  the  more  fpeed;  and  entertain- 
ing  us   all   the   while  with   fuch   difmal   Howhngs,  as  were 


230  A  New  Difcovery  of 

capable  of  ftriking  Terrour  into  the  moft  refolute  and  daring 
Souls.  Being  come  a-fhoar  on  the  other  fide,  we  unloaded 
our  Canou,  and  landed  our  Things,  part  of  which  they  had 
robb'd  us  of  already.  Some  time  after  our  Landing,  we  made 
a  fire  a  fecond  time,  to  make  an  end  of  boiling  our  Buftard. 
Two  others  we  prefented  the  Barbarians,  who  having  con- 
fulted  together  what  they  ihould  do  with  us,  two  of  their 
Leaders  came  up  to  us,  and  made  us  to  underftand  by  Signs, 
that  their  Warriours  were  refolv'd  upon  our  Death.  This 
oblig'd  me,  whilft  one  of  our  Canou-Men  look'd  after  our 
Things,  to  go  with  the  other,  and  apply  my  felf  to  their 
Chiefs.  Six  Hatchets,  fifteen  Knives,  fome  pieces  of  To- 
bacco, was  the  Prefent  that  I  made  them.  After  which, 
bending  my  Neck,  and  pointing  to  a  Hatchet,  I  fignifi'd 
to  them  by  that  Submiffion,  that  we  threw  our  felves  on  their 
Mercy. 

The  Prefent  had  the  good  efi^edl  to  foften  fome  of  them, 
who,  according  to  their  Cuftom,  gave  us  [152]  fome  Flefh  of 
Beaver  to  eat,  themfelves  putting  the  three  firft  Bits  in  our 
Mouths ;  having  firft  blown  upon  it,  becaufe  the  Meat  was 
hot.  After  this  they  fet  their  Platter  before  us,  which  was 
made  of  the  Bark  of  a  Tree,  leaving  us  at  liberty  to  feed 
after  our  own  fafhion.  Thefe  Civilities  did  not  hinder  us 
from  paffing  the  Night  very  uneafily,  becaufe  in  the  Evening 
before  they  went  to  fleep,  they  had  return'd  us  our  Calumet 
of  Peace.  The  two  Canou-Men  refolv'd  to  fell  their  Lives 
as  dear  as  they  could,  and  to  defend  themfelves  like  Men  to 
the  laft,  in  cafe  they  fhou'd  attack  us.     For  my  part,  I  told 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  231 

them  I  refolv'd  to  fuffer  my  felf  to  be  flain  without  the  leaft 
Refiftance,  in  Imitation  of  our  Saviour,  who  refign'd  himfelf 
up  voluntarily  into  the  hand  of  his  Executioner.  However, 
we  watch'd  all  Night  by  turns,  that  we  might  not  be  fur- 
priz'd  in  our  Sleep. 


232  A  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    XLVI. 

The  Refolution  which  the  Barbarians  took  to  carry  the  Author  and 
his  two  Men  along  with  them  up  into  their  Country,  above  the 
River  Mefchafipi. 

THE  13th  of  April,  very  early  in  the  Morning,  one  of 
their  Captains,  whofe  Name  was  Narrhetoba,  being  one 
of  thofe  who  had  been  for  killing  us,  and  whofe  Body  was 
painted  all  over,  came  and  demanded  my  Pipe  of  Peace.  It 
being  deliver'd  him,  he  fill'd  it  with  Tobacco  of  their  own 
growth,  and  made  thofe  of  his  own  Band  fmoak  in  it  firft; 
then  all  the  reft  that  had  been  for  putting  us  to  death.  After 
this  he  made  Signs,  that  we  muft  go  with  them  into  their 
Country,  whither  they  were  then  about  to  return.  This  Pro- 
pofal  did  not  ftartle  me  much,  for  having  caus'd  the  Enter- 
prize  which  they  had  [153]  fram'd  againft  their  Enemies  to 
mifcarry,  1  was  not  unwilling  to  embrace  any  opportunity  of 
making  farther  Difcoveries  amongft  thefe  barbarous  Nations. 
That  which  perplex'd  me  moft,  was  the  Difficulty  I  had 
of  faying  my  Office,  and  performing  the  reft  of  my  Devotions, 
in  the  prefence  of  thefe  Wretches.  Many  of  them  obferving 
my  Lips  to  move,  told  me  in  a  harfti  and  fevere  Tone,  Ouac- 
kanche ;  from  whence,  becaufe  we  underftood  not  a  word  of 
their    Language,    we    concluded    them    to    be    very    angry. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  233 

Michael  Ako^  one  of  the  Canou-Men,  told  me  with  a  frightful 
Air,  that  if  I  continu'd  to  fay  my  Breviary,  we  fhould  infal- 
libly be  murther'd  by  them.  Picard  du  Gay  defir'd  me  at 
leaft  to  fay  my  Prayers  in  private,  for  fear  of  enraging  them 
too  far.  The  laft  Advice  feem'd  the  beft ;  but  the  more 
I  endeavour'd  to  conceal  my  felf,  the  more  of  them  had  I  at 
my  Heels.  If  at  any  time  I  retir'd  into  the  Woods,  they 
immediately  concluded  'twas  to  hide  fomething  :  So  that  I 
knew  not  which  way  to  turn  me  for  the  performance  of  my 
Duty ;  for  they  would  never  fuffer  me  a  moment  out  of 
their  Sight. 

This  compell'd  me  at  laft  to  acquaint  the  two  Canou-Men, 
that  I  cou'd  no  longer  difpenfe  with  my  felf  in  omitting  the 
Duty  of  my  Office :  That  if  they  fhou'd  murder  us  on  this 
Account,  I  fhou'd  indeed  be  the  innocent  Caufe  of  their 
Death  as  well  as  my  own ;  that  therefore  I  ran  the  fame 
Rifque  as  they,  but  that  no  Danger  was  great  enough  to 
juftifie  me  in  the  difpenfing  with  my  Duty.  In  fine,  the 
Barbarians  underftood  by  the  Word  Ouackanche,  that  the 
Book  in  which  I  read,  was  an  evil  Spirit,  as  I  afterwards 
underftood  by  being  amongft  them.  However,  I  then  knew 
by  their  Geftures,  that  they  had  an  averfion  for  it.  Where- 
fore to  ufe  them  to  it  by  degrees,  I  was  wont  to  fing  the 
Litanies,  as  we  were  upon  the  Way,  holding  the  Book  in  my 
Hand.  They  [154]  fondly  believ'd  my  Breviary  was  a  Spirit, 
which  taught  me  to  fing  thus  for  their  Diverfion.  All  thefe 
People  naturally  love  Singing. 


234  A  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    XLVII. 

The  many  Outrages  done  us  by  the  Savages^  before  we  arriv'd  in 
their  Country.     They  frequently  defign  againfl  our  Lives. 

THE  many  Outrages  which  were  done  us  by  thefe  Bar- 
barians, through  the  whole  Courfe  of  our  Voyage,  are 
not  to  be  imagin'd.  Our  Canou  was  both  bigger  and  heavier 
laden  than  theirs.  They  feldom  carry  any  thing  but  a  Quiver 
full  of  Arrows,  a  Bow,  and  fome  forry  Skin  or  other,  which 
ufually  ferves  two  of  them  for  a  Coverlet.  The  Nights  were 
fharp  as  yet  for  the  Seafon,  by  reafon  of  our  advancing  ftill 
Northwards;  fo  that  at  Night  'twas  neceffary  to  keep  our 
felves  as  warm  as  we  could. 

Our  Condudlors  obferving  that  we  did  not  make  fo  much 
way  as  themfelves,  order'd  three  of  their  Warriours  to  go 
aboard  us.  One  feated  himfelf  on  my  Left,  the  other  two 
behind  the  Men,  to  help  them  to  row,  that  we  might  make 
the  more  hafte.  The  Barbarians  fometimes  row  no  lefs  than 
thirty  Leagues  a  day,  when  they  are  in  hafte  to  take  the  Field, 
and  defign  to  furprize  their  Enemies.  Thofe  who  took  us 
were  of  divers  Villages,  and  as  much  divided  in  their  Senti- 
ments, in  regard  of  us.  Every  Evening  'twas  our  peculiar 
Care  to   plant   our   Cabin  near  the  young   Chief,   who  had 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  235 

taken  Tobacco  in  our  Pipe  of  Peace ;  fignifying  to  him 
thereby,  that  we  put  our  felves  under  his  Protedlion. 

This  we  did,  by  reafon  of  the  Divifions  which  reign'd 
amongft  the  Savages.  Aqtiipaguetin^  one  of  tKeir  Chiefs,  who 
had  a  Son  kill'd  by  the  Miami's,  [155]  finding  he  could  not 
revenge  himfelf  of  that  Nation,  thought  of  venting  his  Paffion 
upon  us.  Every  Night  would  he  bewail  his  Son,  whom  he  had 
loft  in  the  War,  thinking  thereby  to  ftir  up  thofe  of  his  Band 
to  revenge  his  Death,  by  killing  us,  feizing  our  Effedls,  and 
after  that  purfuing  the  Miami's.  But  the  other  Savages,  who 
were  very  fond  of  European  Commodities,  thought  it  more 
advifeable  to  prote6t  us,  that  other  Europeans  might  be  en- 
courag'd  to  come  amongft  them.  They  chiefly  defir'd  Guns, 
upon  which  they  fet  the  higheft  Value,  having  feen  the  ufe 
of  them  upon  one  of  our  Canou-Men's  killing  three  or  four 
Buftards  or  wild  Turkies,  at  one  fingle  Difcharge  of  his 
Fufil ;  whereas  they  could  not  kill  above  one  at  a  time  with 
their  Bows. 

We  have  underftood  by  them  fince,  that  the  Words 
Manza  Ouackanche  fignifie  Iron  foffejs'd  by  an  Evil  Spirit.  So 
they  call  the  Fufil,  which  breaks  a  Man's  Bones ;  whereas 
their  Arrows  glide  only  between  the  Flefii  and  the  Mufcles, 
which  they  pierce  without  breaking  the  Bone  at  all,  or  very 
feldom  at  leaft.  For  which  reafon  it  is,  that  thefe  People  do 
much  eafier  cure  the  Wounds  which  are  made  by  the  Arrow 
or  Dart,  than  thofe  of  the  Fufil. 

When  we  were  firft  taken  by  the  Barbarians,  we  were  got 
about  an  hundred  and  fifty  Leagues  up  the  River,  from  that 


236  A  New  Difcovery  of 

of  the  Illinois.  We  row'd  afterwards  in  their  Company  for 
nineteen  Days  together,  fometimes  North,  fometimes  North- 
Eaft,  as  we  judg'd  by  the  Quarters  from  whence  the  Wind 
blew,  and  according  to  the  beft  Obfervations  we  cou'd  make 
by  our  Compafs.  So  that  after  thefe  Barbarians  had  forc'd 
us  to  follow  them,  we  made  more  than  two  hundred  and  fifty 
Leagues  upon  that  fame  River.  The  Savages  are  of  an 
extraordinary  Force  in  a  Canou.  They'll  row  from  Morning 
to  Night  without  refting,  or  hardly  allowing  themfelves  fo 
much  time  as  to  eat  their  Vidluals. 

[156]  To  oblige  us  to  follow  them  the  f after,  there  were 
ufually  four  or  five  of  their  Men  a-board  us  ;  for  our  Canou 
was  larger,  and  deeper  loaden  than  theirs,  fo  that  we  had 
need  of  their  Afliftance,  to  be  able  to  keep  'em  company. 
When  it  rain'd,  we  fet  up  our  Tilts ;  but  when  'twas  fair,  the 
Heavens  were  our  Canopy.  By  this  means  we  had  leifure 
to  take  our  Obfervations  from  the  Moon  and  the  Stars  when 
it  was  clear.  Notwithftanding  the  fatigue  of  the  Day,  the 
youngeft  of  the  Warriours  went  at  Night  and  danc'd  the 
Reed'^  before  four  or  five  of  their  Captains  till  Midnight. 
The  Captain  to  whofe  Quarter  they  went,  fent  with  a  deal  of 
Ceremony  to  thofe  that  danc'd,  a  Warriour  of  his  own 
Family,  to  make  them  fmoak  one  after  another  in  his  own 
Reed  of  War,  which  is  diftinguifh'd  from  that  of  Peace  by  its 
Feathers. 

This  fort  of  Ceremony  Is  always  concluded  by  the  two 


^Calumet  (reed)  dance.     Thus  termed  because  the  stem  of  the  pipe,  or  calumet, 
was  made  from  a  hollow  reed. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  237 

Youngeft  of  thofe  who  have  had  any  Relations  kill'd  in  the 
Wars.  Thefe  take  feveral  Arrows,  and  laying  them  a-crofs 
at  the  point,  prefent  them  in  that  manner  to  their  Captains, 
weeping  very  bitterly;  who,  notwithftanding  the  excefs  of 
their  Sorrow,  return  them  back  to  be  kifs'd.  In  fhort, 
neither  the  Fatigues  of  the  Day,  nor  Watchings,  are  fuffi- 
cient  to  prevail  with  the  Elders  fo  much  as  to  fhut  their  Eyes, 
mofl  of  them  watching  till  almoft  Break  of  Day,  for  fear  of 
being  furpriz'd  by  their  Enemies.  As  foon  as  the  Morning 
appears,  one  of  them  fets  up  the  ordinary  Cry,  when  in  a 
moment  the  Warriours  are  all  in  their  Canou's.  Some  are 
fent  to  encompafs  the  Iflands,  and  to  fee  what  Game  they  can 
meet  with ;  whilft  others  that  are  more  fwift,  go  by  Land  to 
difcover  by  the  Smoak  the  Place  where  the  Enemies  lie. 


238  A  New  Difcovery  of 


[157]        CHAP.    XLVIII. 

The  Advantages  which  the  Savages  of  the  North  have  over  thofe 
of  the  South,  in  relation  to  the  W^ar :  As  alfo  the  Ceremony 
which  was  performed  by  one  of  our  Captains,  having  caus'd 
us  to  halt  at  Noon. 

WHEN  the  Savages  of  the  North  are  at  War,  'tis  their 
Cuftom  to  poft  themfelves  upon  the  point  of  fome 
one  of  thofe  many  Iflands,  of  which  this  River  is  full,  where 
they  look  upon  themfelves  to  be  always  fafe.  Thofe  of  the 
South,  who  are  their  Enemies,  having  nothing  but  Pyrogues, 
or  Canou's  of  Wood,  with  which  they  cannot  go  very  faft, 
becaufe  of  their  weight.  None  but  the  Northern  Nations 
have  Birch  to  make  Canou's  of  their  Bark.  The  People  of 
the  South  are  depriv'd  of  this  Advantage,  whereas  thofe  of 
the  North  can  with  an  admirable  facility  pafs  from  Lake  to 
Lake,  and  River  to  River,  to  attack  their  Enemy.  Nay,  when 
they  are  difcover'd,  they  value  it  not,  provided  they  have 
time  to  recover  their  Canou's ;  for  'tis  impofTible  for  thofe 
who  purfue  them  either  by  Land,  or  in  the  Pyrogues,  to  do  it 
with  any  Succefs. 

As  to  what  relates  to  Ambufcades,  no  Nation  in  the 
World  comes  near  thofe  Northern  Savages,  being  patient  of 
Hunger,  and  the  utmoft  Severities  of  the  Weather,  beyond 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  239 

belief.  'Tis  their  fure  Game ;  and  they  never  fail  being  fuc- 
cour'd  by  three  or  four  of  their  Comrades,  whenever  their 
Enemies  attack  'em.  So  that  they  always  bring  their  Defigns 
about  this  way,  at  leaft,  if  not  over  power'd  fo  by  Numbers, 
as  not  to  be  able  to  recover  their  Canou's,  and  fave  them- 
felves  by  flight. 

One  of  the  nineteen  Days  of  our  moft  tirefome  Voyage,  \ 
a  Captain  call'd  Aquipaguetin^  who  afterwards  [158]  adopted  \ 
me  for  his  Son,  as  we  fhall  fee  anon,  thought  it  advifable  to  I 
halt  about  Noon  in  a  fine  large  Meadow,  fituate  on  the  Weft  / 
of  the  River  Mefchafipi.  This  Chief  had  kill'd  a  large  fat 
Bear,  to  which  he  invited  the  principal  Captains  of  the 
Warriours.  After  the  Repaft,  thefe  Savages  having  all  of 
them  certain  Marks  in  the  Face,  and  their  Bodies  painted 
with  the  Figure  of  fome  Beafl:,  fuch  as  every  one  fancy'd 
befl,  their  Hair  being  alfo  anointed  with  the  Oil  of  Bears, 
and  ftuck  all  over  with  red  and  white  Feathers,  and  their 
Heads  cover'd  with  the  Down  of  Birds,  began  to  dance  with 
their  Hands  all  upon  their  Hip,  and  flriking  the  Soles  of 
their  Feet  with  that  violence  againft  the  Earth,  that  the  very 
Marks  appear'd.  During  the  Dance,  one  of  the  Sons  of  the 
Mafter  of  the  Ceremonies,  made  'em  all  fmoak  in  the  Pipe 
of  War,  himfelf  fhedding  abundance  of  Tears  during  the 
whole  Adlion.  And  the  Father,  who  marfhall'd  the  whole 
melancholy  Scene,  accompany'd  him  with  a  Voice  fo  lament- 
able and  broken,  with  fo  many  rifing  Sighs,  as  were  capable 
of  melting  the  moft  obdurate  Heart,  bathing  himfelf  all  the 
while  in  his  Tears :  Sometimes  would  he  addrefs  himfelf  to 


240  A  New  Difcovery  of 

the  Warriour,  fometimes  to  me,  laying  his  Hands  on  my 
Head,  as  he  did  alfo  on  my  Mens.  Sometimes  would  he  lift 
up  his  Eyes  to  Heaven,  repeating  the  Word  Louis^  which  in 
their  Speech  fignifies  the  Sun,  appealing  to  him  for  Juftice 
on  the  Murderers  of  his  Son,  and  hoping  to  engage  his 
Followers  to  avenge  his  Death. 

As  for  us,  as  far  as  we  could  judge,  all  this  Grimace 
boded  us  no  good :  And  indeed  we  afterwards  underftood, 
that  this  Barbarian  meant  nothing  lefs  than  our  Deftrudlion 
by  it,  as  well  now  as  at  other  times.  But  finding  the  oppofi- 
tion  he  was  like  to  meet  with  from  the  other  Chiefs,  who 
were  of  a  contrary  Opinion,  he  was  content  to  fuffer  us  to 
re-embark,  refolving  however  to  make  ufe  of  fome  other  [159] 
Stratagem  to  get  into  his  own  Hands  by  little  and  little  the 
reft  of  our  Things.  To  take  them  from  us  openly  by  force, 
tho'  he  eafily  could,  he  durft  not,  for  fear  of  thofe  of  his  own 
Nation,  who  for  fuch  an  A6lion  would  have  accus'd  him  of 
a  Bafenefs  of  Spirit,  which  even  the  moft  barbarous  difdain. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  241 


CHAP.    XLIX. 

What  Tricks  and  Artifices  were  us'd  by  Aquipaguetin  to  cheat  us 
handfotnely  of  our  Goods;  with  many  other  Accidents  that 
hapned  in  our  Voyage. 

BY  what  has  been  faid,  It  plainly  appears  that  Aquipaguetin 
was  a  crafty  defigning  Knave.  He  had  with  him  the 
Bones  of  one  of  his  deceas'd  Friends,  which  he  kept  very 
choicely  in  the  Skin  of  a  Beaft,  adorn'd  with  feveral  red  and 
black  Lifts  of  a  Porcupine's.  He  would  be  from  time  to 
time  alTembling  his  Followers  to  make  them  fmoak ;  and  then 
would  he  fend  for  us  one  after  another,  and  oblige  us  to 
cover  the  Bones  of  their  Deceas'd  with  fome  of  our  European 
Merchandife,  in  order  to  dry  up  the  Tears  which  he  had 
fhed  for  him  and  his  Son,  who  had  been  kill'd  by  the  Miami's. 
To  appeafe  the  crafty  old  Savage,  we  ftrew'd  on  the 
Bones  of  the  Deceas'd  feveral  Pieces  of  Martinico-T oh^cco^ 
Hatchets,  Knives,  Beads,  and  fome  Bracelets  of  black  and 
white  Porcelain.  Thus  you  fee  how  we  were  drain'd  by  fuch 
Methods  and  Pretences,  as  we  could  not  eafily  gainfay.  He 
gave  us  to  underftand.  That  what  he  had  thus  demanded  of 
us,  was  not  for  himfelf  but  the  Dead,  and  to  give  the  War- 
riours  that  he  brought  with  him ;  and  indeed  he  diftributed 
amongft  them  whatever  he  took  from  us.      He  would  have 

16 


242  A  New  Difcovery  of 

had  us  underftood  by  this,  That  [160]  as  a  Captain  he  would 
take  nothing  himfelf  but  what  we  fhould  freely  prefent  him 
with. 

All  this  while  we  lay  at  the  point  of  the  Lake  of  Tears; 
we  nam'd  it  fo  by  reafon  of  the  Tears  which  this  Chief  did 
fhed  here  every  Night.  When  he  was  weary  of  Weeping,  he 
made  one  of  his  Sons  come  and  fupply  his  Place.  His  De- 
fign  in  this  was  to  excite  the  Compaflion  of  the  Warriors, 
and  to  prevail  with  them  to  kill  us,  and  after  that  to  purfue 
their  Enemies ;  and  fo  revenge  the  Death  of  his  Son  which 
he  had  loft. 

Sometimes  they  fent  the  fwifteft  amongft  them  by  Land 
to  feek  for  prey,  who  would  drive  whole  Droves  of  wild  Bulls 
before  them,  and  force  them  to  fwim  the  River.  Of  thefe 
they  fometimes  kill'd  forty  or  fifty,  but  took  only  the 
Tongues,  and  fome  other  of  the  beft  Pieces :  The  reft  they 
left,  not  to  burden  themfelves,  that  they  might  make  the 
more  hafte  home. 

'Tis  true,  we  had  Provifions  plenty  and  good ;  but  then 
we  had  neither  Bread  nor  Wine,  nor  Salt,  nor  indeed  any 
thing  elfe  to  feafon  it ;  and  this  lafted  during  the  Four  laft 
Years  of  the  almoft  Twelve  that  I  liv'd  in  America.  In  our 
laft  Voyage,  we  liv'd  much  after  the  fame  manner,  fometimes 
abounding,  and  at  other  times  again  reduc'd  to  the  laft  Ex- 
tremity ;  fo  that  we  have  not  eat  a  bit  for  four  and  twenty 
hours  together,  and  fometimes  longer.  The  reafon  is,  becaufe 
in  fmall  Canou's  of  Bark,  one  can  ftow  but  little :  So  that 
whatever  Precaution  a  Man  may  ufe,  he  will  often  find  himfelf 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  243 

deftitute  of  all  things  neceffary  for  Life.  Did  the  Religious 
of  Europe  undergo  half  the  Fatigues,  or  did  they  but  obferve 
the  Fafts  that  we  have  kept  for  fo  long  a  time  together  in 
America^  there  would  need  no  Proofs  to  Canonize  them. 
But  then  it  mull  be  own'd,  that  what  deftroys  the  Merits  of 
our  Fafts,  was,  that  if  we  did  fuffer  on  fuch  occafions,  our 
Sufferings  proceeded  [161]  not  from  our  Choice;  but,  as  the 
proverbial  Saying  is,  our  Virtue  was  our  Neceflity. 


244  A  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    L. 

The  Elders  weep  for  lis  during  the  Night.  New  Outrages  done 
us  by  Aquipaguetin.  The  manner  how  the  Savages  make 
Fire  by  Frisian. 

MANY  Nights  together  fome  or  other  of  the  Elders 
came  and  wept  over  us.  They  rubb'd  our  Arms  and 
Bodies  very  often  with  their  Hands,  which  they  afterwards 
laid  on  our  Heads.  Thefe  Tears  gave  us  many  uneafie 
Thoughts ;  'twas  impoffible  to  fleep  for  them ;  and  yet  we 
had  need  enough  of  Reft,  after  the  great  Fatigues  of  the 
Day.  Nor  was  I  eafier  by  Day :  I  knew  not  what  to  think ; 
fometimes  I  fanfied  that  they  bewail'd  us,  as  knowing  fome 
of  the  Warriors  had  refolv'd  to  kill  us ;  and  other  times  again 
I  flatter'd  my  felf,  that  their  Tears  were  the  effed  of  their 
Compaffion,  for  the  evil  Treatment  they  made  us  undergo. 
However  It  were,  I  am  fure  thefe  Tears  aflfedted  me  more 
than  thofe  that  fhed  them. 

About  this  time,  Aquipaguetin  had  another  opportunity  of 
perfecuting  us  afrefh:  He  had  fo  dexteroufly  manag'd  the 
Matter  with  the  Warriors  of  his  Party,  that  it  was  one  Day 
impradicable  for  us  to  encamp  near  the  young  Chief  Nar- 
hetoba,  who  protedled  us,  but  were  forc'd  to  go  and  place 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  245 

our  felves,  with  our  Canou  and  EflFedts  at  the  end  of  the 
Camp.  Then  it  was  that  thefe  Barbarians  gave  us  to  under- 
ftand,  that  the  aforefaid  Captain  was  fully  refolv'd  to  have 
our  Heads.  This  oblig'd  us  to  have  recourfe  once  more  to 
our  Cheft,  and  to  take  out  twenty  Knives  and  fome  Tobacco, 
which  we  diftributed  among  [162]  them  with  an  Air  that 
fufficiently  teftify'd  our  Difcontent. 

The  unreafonable  Wretch  look'd  earneftly  upon  his  Fol- 
lowers one  after  another,  as  if  he  were  in  doubt  what  to  do, 
and  confequently  to  demand  their  Advice,  whether  he  ought 
to  receive  our  Prefent  or  refufe  it.  But  whilft  we  were  in- 
clining our  Necks,  and  delivering  him  the  Ax,  the  young 
Commander,  who  feem'd  to  be  our  Protedlor  (and  it  may  be 
really  was)  came  and  fnatch'd  us  by  the  Arm,  and  all  in  a 
rage  hurry'd  us  away  to  his  Cabin.  His  Brother  too  taking 
up  fome  Arrows,  broke  'em  in  our  fight,  to  affure  us  by  that 
Adtion,  that  he  would  proted:  our  Lives  at  the  hazard  of 
his  own. 

The  next  Day  they  left  us  alone  in  our  Canou,  without 
putting  any  of  their  Men  a-board  to  affift  us,  as  they  had  hith- 
erto done :  However,  they  kept  all  in  the  reer  of  us.  After 
rowing  four  or  five  Leagues,  another  of  their  Captains  came 
up  to  us,  and  made  us  land.  As  foon  as  we  got  on  fhoar, 
he  fell  to  cutting  of  Grafs,  which  he  made  into  three  little 
Heaps,  and  bade  us  fit  down  upon  them :  Then  he  took  a 
piece  of  Cedar,  which  was  full  of  little  round  Holes,  into  one 
of  which  he  thruft  a  Stick  of  a  harder  Subftance   than   the 


246  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Cedar,  and  began  to  rub  it  about  pretty  faft  between  the 
Palms  of  his  Hands,  till  at  length  it  took  fire.^  The  ufe 
he  put  it  to  was  to  light  the  Tobacco  in  his  great  Pipe ;  and 
after  he  had  wept  fome  time  over  us,  and  laid  his  Hands  on 
our  Heads,  he  made  me  fmoak  in  a  Calumet^  or  Pipe  of 
Peace ;  and  then  acquainted  us  by  Signs,^  that  within  fixteen 
Days  we  Ihould  be  at  home. 


1  This  method  of  making  fire  was  used  by  many  other  tribes,  notably  the  Huron  ; 
the  Eastern  Algonquian  peoples  generally  employed  stones  containing  iron  (usually 
found  in  the  form  of  iron  pyrites) , —  a  method  still  in  use  among  some  Eskimo  tribes, — 
often  with  flint.  The  appliances  introduced  by  white  men  —  the  flint  and  steel,  with 
tinder-box,  and  the  matches  —  soon  superseded  the  primitive  aboriginal  methods. 
For  detailed  account  of  these,  see  Hough's  "Fire-making  Apparatus,"  in  U.  S. 
National  Museum  Report,  1887-88,  pp.  531-587-  Cf.  Jes.  Relations,  vi,  p.  217; 
xii,  117,  272;  xxii,  267,  319. —  Ed. 

2 See  Garrick  Mallery's  "  Sign  Language  among  North  American  Indians,"  in 
U.  S.  Bur.  Ethnol.  Rep.,  1879-80,  pp.  263-552.— Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America,  247 


[163]        CHAP.    LI. 

Ceremonies  us'd  by  the  Savages  when  they  (hare  their  Prifoners. 
Continuation  of  our  Journey  by  Land. 

HAVING  thus  travell'd  nineteen  Days  In  our  Canou  by 
Water,  we  arriv'd  at  length  within  five  or  fix  Leagues 
of  the  Fall,  to  which  we  had  formerly  given  the  Name  of  St. 
Anthony^  as  we  came  to  underftand  afterwards.  Here  the 
Barbarians  order'd  us  to  land  in  a  Creek  of  the  River  Mef- 
chafipi ;  after  which,  they  held  an  Afl"embly,  to  confult  what 
they  were  to  do  with  us.  In  fhort,  they  feparated,  and  gave 
us  to  three  of  their  Chiefs,  inftead  of  three  of  their  Sons 
which  had  been  kill'd  in  the  War:  Then  they  feiz'd  our 
Canou,  and  took  away  all  our  Equipage.  The  Canou  they 
pull'd  to  pieces,  for  fear  it  might  afiift  us  to  return  to  their 
Enemies :  Their  own  they  hid  amongft  the  Alders,  to  ufe 
again  when  they  fhould  have  occafion  to  hunt  that  way.  So 
that  tho'  we  might  have  gone  conveniently  enough  quite  up 
into  their  Country  by  Water,  yet  were  we  oblig'd,  by  their 
Condudl,  to  travel  no  lefs  than  fixty  Leagues  a-foot. 

Our  ordinary  Marches  were  from  break  of  Day  till  ten 
at  Night :  And  when  we  met  with  any  Rivers,  we  fwam  them, 
themfelves  (who  for  the  Moft  part  are  of  an  extraordinary 
fize)    carrying  our  Clothes   and  Equipage   on   their  Heads, 


248  A  New  Difcovery  of 

and  the  Canou-Men,  who  were  lefs  than  me,  upon  their 
Shoulders,  becaufe  they  could  not  fwim.  As  I  us'd  to  come 
out  of  the  Water,  which  was  often  full  of  Ice,  for  we  travell'd 
ftill  North,  I  was  hardly  able  to  ftand  upon  my  Legs.  In 
thefe  Parts  the  Frofts  continue  all  Night  even  at  this  time  of 
the  Year;  fo  [164]  that  our  Legs  were  all  over  Blood,  being 
cut  by  the  Ice,  which  we  broke  by  degrees  in  our  Paffage  as 
we  waded  o'er  the  Lakes  and  Rivers.  We  never  eat  but 
once  in  four  and  twenty  Hours,  and  then  nothing  but  a  few 
Scraps  of  Meat  dry'd  in  Smoak  after  their  Fafhion,  which 
they  afforded  us  with  abundance  of  regret. 

I  was  fo  weak  that  I  often  laid  me  down,  refolving  rather 
to  die  than  follow  thefe  Savages  any  farther,  who  travell'd  at 
a  rate  fo  extraordinary,  as  far  furpaffes  the  Strength  of  any 
European.  However,  to  haflen  us,  they  fometimes  fet  fire  to 
the  dry  Grafs  in  the  Meadows  through  which  we  pafs'd ;  fo 
that  our  Choice  was  march  or  burn.  I  had  a  Hat  which  I 
had  taken  with  me,  to  fence  me  from  the  Sun  during  the 
Heats  of  the  Summer.  This  would  often  fall  from  my  Head 
into  the  Fire,  becaufe  it  was  not  over-fit,  and  the  Fire  fo  very 
near.  The  Barbarians  would  fnatch  it  out  again,  and  lend 
me  a  hand  to  fave  me  from  the  Flames,  which  they  had 
kindled,  as  well  as  to  haften  our  March,  as  I  have  faid,  as  to 
give  notice  to  their  People  of  their  return.  I  muft  here 
acknowledge,  that  had  it  not  been  for  du  Gay,  who  did  all 
he  could  to  encourage  me,  through  the  whole  Courfe  of  this 
tirefome  March,  I  had  certainly  funk  under  the  Fatigues  of 
it,  having  neither  Spirits  nor  Strength  left  to  fupport  me. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  249 


[165]         CHAP.    LII. 

A  great  Conteft  arijes  amongft  the  Savages^  about  dividing  our 
Merchandije  and  Equipage ;  as  alfo  my  Sacerdotal  Ornaments 
and  little  Cheft. 

AFTER  having  travell'd  about  fixty  Leagues  a-foot,  and 
undergone  all  the  Fatigues  of  Hunger,  Thirft,  and 
Cold,  befides  a  thoufand  Outrages  daily  done  us  In  our  Per- 
fons,  after  we  had  march'd  Night  and  Day  without  ceafing, 
wading  through  Lakes  and  Rivers,  and  fometimes  fwam.  As 
we  now  began  to  approach  the  Habitations  of  the  Barbarians, 
which  are  fituated  in  Moraffes  inacceflible  to  their  Enemies, 
they  thought  it  a  proper  time  to  divide  the  Merchandife 
which  they  had  taken  from  us.  Here  they  had  like  to  have 
fallen  out  and  cut  one  another's  Throats,  about  the  Roll  of 
Martinico-T ohd.QCO^  which  might  ftill  weigh  about  fifty  Pound. 
Thefe  People  value  this  Commodity  far  beyond  what  we  do 
Silver  or  Gold.  They  have  very  good  of  their  own  growth ; 
but  this  was  fo  well  drefs'd,  and  made  up  into  fuch  beautiful 
Rings,  that  they  were  perfe(5lly  charm'd  with  it.  The  moft 
reafonable  amongft  them  made  us  underftand  by  Signs,  that 
they  would  give  their  [^sc.  our]  Canou-Men  feveral  Caftor- 
Skins  in  return  for  what  they  had  taken :  But  others  looking 
upon  us  as  Slaves,  becaufe  they  faid  we  had  furnifh'd  Arms 


250  A  New  Difcovery  of 

to  their  Enemies,  maintain'd  that  they  were  no  ways  oblig'd 
to  make  any  return  for  the  Things  they  had  taken. 

The  reafon  why  they  divided  the  Spoil  here,  was,  becaufe 
this  Band  was  compos'd  of  two  or  three  different  People : 
So. that  thofe  that  liv'd  at  a  diftance,  were  apprehenfive  left 
the  others,  who  were  juft  at  home,  might  detain  all  the  Mer- 
chandife  which  they  [166]  had  taken,  in  the  firft  Villages  they 
fhould  come  at ;  and  therefore  were  refolv'd  to  play  a  fure 
Game,  and  have  their  Share  aforehand.  Nor  had  they  any 
greater  Refpe6l  for  what  belong'd  to  me,  than  for  the  Mer- 
chandife  which  they  took  from  the  Canou-men ;  for  they 
feiz'd  my  Brocard  Chafuble,  and  all  the  Ornaments  of  my 
portable  Chapel,  except  the  Chalice,  which  they  durft  not 
touch.  They  obferv'd  that  this  Veffel,  which  was  of  Silver 
gilt,  caft  a  glittering  Light,  fo  that  as  often  as  they  chanc'd 
to  look  towurds  it,  they  would  fhut  their  Eyes :  The  reafon 
was,  as  we  underftood  afterwards,  becaufe  they  believ'd  it  to 
be  a  Spirit  which  would  kill  them.  I  had  a  little  Cheft,  which 
I  kept  lock'd ;  they  made  me  underftand  by  Signs,  that  if  I 
did  not  open  it,  or  break  the  Lock,  they  would  do  it  for  me, 
againft  fome  ftiarp  Stones  which  they  ftiew'd  me.  The  reafon 
why  they  threatned  me  thus,  was,  becaufe  they  had  not  been 
able  to  open  it  all  the  way,  though  they  attempted  it  feveral 
times,  to  fee  what  was  in  it.  Thefe  People  underftand  noth- 
ing of  Locks  and  Keys :  Befides,  their  Defign  was  not  to 
cumber  themfelves  with  the  Box  it  felf,  but  only  to  take  out 
the  Things  that  were  in  it.  After  I  had  open'd  it,  and  they 
faw  there  was  little  or  nothing  in  it  but  Books  and  Papers, 
they  left  it  me  untouch'd. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  251 


CHAP.    LIII. 

The  Troop  approaches  the  Village.  A  Grand  Confiilt  amongft  the 
Savages^  whether  they  flioidd  kill  us,  or  fave  and  adopt  us  for 
their  Sons.  The  Reception  which  we  had  from  them;  and  the 
life  they  made  of  my  Chafuble. 

AFTER  five  hard  Days  travel,  without  fo  much  as  refting, 
except  a  little  by  Night  in  the  open  Air,  we  perceiv'd 
at  laft  abundance  of  Women  and  [167]  Children  coming  out 
to  meet  our  little  Army :  All  the  Elders  of  the  Nation  were 
affembled  upon  this  Occafion.  We  obferv'd  feveral  Cabins, 
near  the  Pofts  of  which  lay  feveral  Truffes  of  Straw  and  dry'd 
Weeds,  where  thefe  Barbarians  are  wont  to  faften  and  burn 
the  Slaves  which  they  bring  home  with  them  from  their  Wars. 
Here  they  order' d  Picard  du  Gay  to  fing,  who  all  the  time 
rattled  a  hollow  Gourd  full  of  little  round  Stones,  which  he 
held  in  his  Hand.  I  obferv'd  moreover,  that  his  Hair  and 
Face  were  painted  with  different  Colours,  and  that  they  had 
faftned  a  Tuft  of  white  Feathers  to  his  Head.  Thefe  Cere- 
monies renew'd  our  Fears ;  and  we  thought  we  had  more 
reafon  than  ever  to  believe,  that  they  had  ftill  a  Defign  to 
put  us  to  death.  Nor  were  our  Fears  groundlefs,  fince  thefe, 
with  many  others,  are  the  Ceremonies  which  they  ufe  at  the 
burning  of  their  Enemies. 

The  worft  was,  we  could  not  make  our  felves  be  under- 


252  A  New  Difcovery  of 

ftood.  However,  after  many  Vows  and  fecret  Prayers  which  we 
offer'd  up  to  God  on  this  Occafion,  the  Barbarians  at  laft  gave 
us  fome  wild  Oats  to  eat,  of  which  I  have  fpoken  elfewhere. 
They  gave  them  us  in  great  Difhes  made  of  Birch-trees ;  and 
the  Savage  Women  feafon'd  them  with  Bliiez}  This  is  a  fort 
of  Black  Grain,  which  they  dry  in  the  Sun  in  the  Summer, 
and  are  as  good  as  Corrans :  The  Dutch  call  them  Clake-befien. 

All  the  while  the  Feaft  lafted,  which  was  the  beft  Meal 
that  we  had  made  ever  fince  we  had  been  taken,  there  was 
a  high  Difpute  between  Aqidpagiietin  and  the  others,  about 
the  Diftribution  they  were  to  make  of  the  two  Canou-men 
and  my  felf.  At  laft  Aquipaguetin,  as  Head  of  the  Party, 
carry'd  it ;  who  turning  from  one  of  the  principal  Captains 
towards  me,  prefented  me  to  fmoak  in  his  Calumet  of  Peace, 
receiving  from  me  at  the  fame  time  that  which  we  had 
brought,  as  a  certain  Pledge  of  the  Union  which  [i68]  was 
to  be  for  the  future  'twixt  them  and  us.  After  this,  he 
adopted  me  for  his  Son,  in  the  room  of  him  that  he  had  loft 
in  the  War. 

Narhetoba  and  another  Captain  did  the  fame  by  the  two 
Canou-men.  This  Separation  was  very  grievous  to  us,  tho' 
fomewhat  allay'd  by  the  Satisfadlion  we  had  to  find  that  our 
Lives  were  fafe.  Du  Gay  took  me  afide  to  confefs  him,  being 
fenfible  of  the  uncertain  Condition  his  Life  was  in,  amongft 
fo  barbarous  a  People.  This  oblig'd  him  to  embrace  me 
very  heartily,  and   to   beg   my  Pardon   for  what  was   paft, 

^  The  common  blueberry  {Vaccinium  Canadense),  called  bluet  by  the  French 
habitants.  It  was  a  favorite  article  of  food  among  the  Indians,  in  its  season  ;  they 
also  dried  it  for  winter  use. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  253 

having  firft  made  the  fame  Requeft  to  God.  I  fhould  have 
been  overjoy'd  to  have  feen  Michael  Ako  as  well  difpos'd : 
However,  I  did  not  omit  to  fhew  both  the  one  and  the  other 
all  the  Marks  of  a  moft  tender  Affedion. 

In  fhort,  the  Savages  having  parted  us,  led  us  away  each 
to  his  own  Village.  Our  Way  lay  over  a  Morafs,  where  we 
march'd  half  way  the  Leg  in  Water  for  a  League  together, 
at  the  end  of  which  we  were  met  by  five  of  Aquipaguetiti's 
Wives,  who  receiv'd  me  in  one  of  the  three  Canou's  of  Bark 
which  they  had  brought  with  them,  and  then  carry'd  me  a 
little  League  farther  into  a  fmall  Ifland,  where  their  Cabins 
were. 


254  A  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    LIV. 

The  Authors  Reception  by  the  Relations  of  Aqulpaguetin.  They 
make  him  fweat  to  recover  him  of  his  Fatigues.  The  ufe  they 
make  of  his  Chafuble  and  other  Ornaments. 

IARRIV'D  at  this  Place  in  the  Month  of  May,  1680.  the 
Day  I  cannot  precifely  tell ;  for  I  was  fo  harafs'd  by  the 
Savages  on  the  Way,  that  I  could  not  make  all  the  little 
Obfervations  which  otherwife  I  would  have  done :  Befides, 
there  is  fome  feven  or  [169]  eight  Hours  difference  between 
the  Days  and  Nights  of  Europe,  and  thofe  of  '^ovth-America, 
becaufe  of  the  Retrogradation  of  the  Sun.  The  Cape^  was 
always  to  Weft  of  us  from  Rochel  [La  Rochelle]  to  Quebec; 
but  to  South-weft  from  thence,  till  we  came  to  Mefchafipi, 
which  made  a  confiderable  Variation  in  the  Needle. 

This  Variation  was  occafion'd  by  the  unconftant  motion 
of  the  Needle,  which  in  certain  Latitudes  would  encline  to 
the  North,  or  North-Eaft ;  whereas  in  others  'twould  turn 
from  the  North  to  the  North-weft.  We  never  could  be  fo 
well  affur'd  of  our  Computations  in  our  long  Voyages,  as  to 
know  exadly  the  way  our  Canou's  made  in  a  Day,  or  what 
was  the  Variation  of  the  Needle  in  each  Latitude.     But  we 


1  Fr.  cap  ,   apparently  a  reference  to  the  cap  of  the  compass,  defined  by  Larousse  as 
"  a  diameter  traced  in  the  compass-box,  which  indicates  the  axis  of  the  ship." — Ed. 


a  Lar^ge  Country  in  America.  255 

found  there  were  many  Minutes  of  Variation,  according  to 
the  Point  the  Wind  was  In.  To  fay  the  truth,  able  Men 
might  have  loft  the  Memory  of  many  things  under  the  fame 
CIrcumftances  with  my  felf. 

At  the  entry  of  the  Captain's  Cabin  who  had  adopted 
me,  one  of  the  Barbarians,  who  feem'd  to  be  very  old,  pre- 
fented  me  with  a  great  Pipe  to  fmoak  In,  and  weeping  over 
me  all  the  while  with  abundance  of  Tears,  rubb'd  both  my 
Arms  and  my  Head.  This  was  to  (hew  how  concern'd  he 
was  to  fee  me  fo  harafs'd  and  fatigu'd :  And  Indeed  I  had 
often  need  enough  of  two  Men  to  fupport  me  when  I  was 
up,  or  raife  me  when  I  was  down.  There  was  a  Bears-Skin 
before  the  Fire,  upon  which  the  youngeft  Boy  of  the  Cabin 
caus'd  me  to  lie  down,  and  then  with  the  Greafe  of  wild 
Cats  anointed  my  Thighs,  Legs,  and  Soles  of  my  Feet. 

Aqui'paguetin'^  Son,  who  call'd  me  Brother,  had  got  my 
Brocard  Chafuble,  and  was  ftrutting  up  and  down  with  it 
upon  his  naked  Back.  He  had  wrapp'd  up  in  It  the  Bones 
of  a  Man  who  had  been  very  confiderable  amongft  them,  for 
whofe  Memory  they  had  ftill  a  wonderful  Refpedl.  The 
Prieft's  Girdle,  which  [170]  was  made  of  red  and  white 
Wooll,  with  two  Loops  at  the  end,  ferv'd  him  to  faften  It, 
whilft  he  carry'd  It  up  and  down  In  Triumph,  calling  it  Louis 
Chinnen,  which  fignifies,  as  I  fince  underftand,  the  Robe  of 
him,  who  is  nam'd  the  Sun.  After  they  had  for  fome  time 
us'd  my  Chafuble  as  an  Ornament  to  cover  the  Bones  of 
their  Dead,  at  the  celebrating  their  moft  folemn  Rites,  they 
made  a  Prefent  of  It  to  a  People  in  Alliance  with  them,  who 


256  A  New  Difcovery  of 

llv'd  4  or  500  Leagues  diftant  towards  the  Weft,  but  were 
come  in  Embaffie,  and  had  danc'd  the  Calumet. 

The  Day  after  my  Arrival,  Jquipaguetin,  who  was  Head 
of  a  Great  Family,  put  me  on  a  Robe  which  was  made  of  the 
Skins  of  the  Bellies  of  wild  Bulls :  He  gave  me  a  fecond, 
made  of  ten  large  Caftor-Skins.  Then  he  fhew'd  me  fix  or 
feven  of  his  Wives,  (for  Poligamy  is  in  fafhion  here ;)  he  told 
them,  as  I  afterwards  underftood,  That  they  were  to  efteem  me 
as  one  of  their  Sons.  After  this,  he  fet  a  Bark-Difh  before 
me,  in  which  were  Bremes,  and  other  white  Fifh,  to  regale  me 
withal.  He  gave  Orders  to  thofe  about  him,  to  give  me  the 
Title  that  was  due  to  the  Rank  which  I  was  to  hold  amongft 
my  new  Kindred. 

Farther ;  this  new  Father  of  mine  obferving  that  I  could 
not  well  rife  without  two  or  three  to  help  me,  order'd  a  Stove 
to  be  made,  into  which  he  caus'd  me  to  enter  ftark-naked 
with  four  Savages ;  who  before  they  began  to  fweat,  ty'd 
their  Prepuces  about  with  certain  Strings  made  of  the  Bark 
of  a  white  Wood.  This  Stove  was  cover'd  with  the  Skins  of 
wild  Bulls,  and  in  it  they  put  Flints  and  other  Stones  red- 
hot.  They  order'd  me  by  Signs  to  hold  my  Breath,  time 
after  time,  as  long  as  I  could,  which  I  did,  as  well  as  thofe 
that  were  with  me.  As  for  the  Privy  Parts,  I  had  only  a 
Handkerchief  to  cover  me. 

[171]  As  foon  as  the  Savages  that  were  with  me  had  let 
go  their  Breath,  which  they  did  with  a  great  force,  Aquipa- 
guetin  began  to  fing  with  a  loud  and  thundring  Voice;  the 
others  feconded  him ;  and  laying  their  Hands  on  my  Body, 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  257 

began  to  rub  it,  and  at  the  fame  time  to  weep  bitterly.  I 
was  like  to  fall  into  a  Swoon,  and  fo  was  forc'd  to  quit  the 
Stove.  At  my  coming  out,  I  was  fcarce  able  to  take  up  my 
Habit  of  St.  Francis  to  cover  me  withal,  I  was  fo  weak: 
However,  they  continu'd  to  make  we  fweat  thrice  a  Week, 
which  at  laft  reflor'd  me  to  my  priftine  Vigour,  fo  that  I 
found  my  felf  as  well  as  ever. 


258  A  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    LV. 

The  Author  like  to  be  famijh'd.  They  admire  his  Compafs,  and 
an  Iron  Pot  which  he  had.  He  makes  a  Di5lionary^  and 
inftru^s  them  in  Points  of  Religion^  in  relation  to  Poligamy 
and  Celibacy. 

MANY  a  melancholy  Day  did  I  pafs  amongft  thefe  Sav- 
ages. Jquipaguetin,  who  adopted  me,  gave  me  nothing 
to  eat  but  a  few  wild  Oats  five  or  fix  times  a  Week,  and  the 
Roes  of  dry'd  Fifh.  All  this  Trafii  the  Women  boil'd  up  in 
an  Earthen  Pot :  Befides,  he  fent  me  into  a  Neighbouring 
Ifle,  with  his  Wives,  Children,  and  Servants,  where  I  was  to 
hough  and  dig  with  a  Pick-axe  and  Shovel,  which  I  had 
recover'd  from  thofe  that  robb'd  us.  Here  we  planted 
Tobacco,  and  fome  European  Pulfe,  which  I  brought  from 
thence,  and  were  highly  priz'd  by  Aquipaguetin. 

This  Man,  to  make  himfelf  the  more  confideraole  amongft 
thofe  of  his  Tribe,  would  often  affemble  the  Ancients  of  his 
Village,  and  in  prefence  of  them,  fend  for  my  Compafs,  which 
I  had  ftill  by  me.  Upon  my  turning  the  Needle  with  a  Key, 
he  took  occafion  [172]  to  tell  them,  and  with  Truth  enough. 
That  by  the  Guidance  of  that  Machine  it  was,  that  we 
Europeans  travell'd  the  whole  World.  Nay,  being  an  able 
Spokefman,  he  poffefs'd  them  farther,  That  we  were  Spirits ; 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  259 

and  that  we  were  capable  of  bringing  things  to  pafs  that 
were  altogether  out  of  their  power.  At  the  end  of  his  Dif- 
courfe,  which  was  very  pathetick,  all  the  Elders  wept  over 
me,  admiring  in  me  what  they  could  not  comprehend. 

I  had  an  Iron  Pot  about  three  foot  round,  which  had  the 
Figure  of  a  Lion  on  it,  which  during  our  Voyage  ferv'd  us 
to  bake  our  Viduals  in.  This  Veffel  was  not  fo  apt  to  break 
as  our  ordinary  Kettles,  which  are  more  brittle  ;  for  which 
reafon  it  was,  not  being  likely  to  meet  with  Braziers  to  fur- 
nifh  us  with  new  upon  occafion,  that  we  took  this  with  us. 
This  Pot  the  Barbarians  durft  never  fo  much  as  touch,  with- 
out covering  their  Hands  firft  in  fomething  of  Caftor-Skin. 
And  fo  great  a  Terrour  was  it  to  the  Women,  that  they  had 
it  hung  abroad  upon  the  Bough  of  a  Tree ;  for  they  durft 
not  come  or  fleep  in  the  Cabin  when  it  was  there. 

We  would  have  made  a  Prefent  of  it  to  fome  of  their 
Chiefs ;  but  none  of  them  would  either  accept  or  make  ufe 
of  it,  becaufe  they  thought  that  there  was  a  Spirit  hid  within, 
that  would  certainly  kill  them.  Thefe  People  are  all  of  them 
fubjedl  to  the  like  Superftition.  Their  Jugglers  impofe  what- 
ever they  think  fit  upon  their  Belief.  'Twas  fome  time  I  fpent 
amongft  'em,  before  I  could  make  my  felf  be  underftood. 
But  Hunger  beginning  to  prefs  me  hard,  I  fet  about  making 
a  Didionary  in  their  Tongue,  the  which  I  did  by  means  of 
their  Children,  with  whom  I  made  my  felf  as  famihar  as 
poffible,  to  inform  my  felf  by  their  Prattle. 

When  once  I  had  got  the  Word  Tahetchiaben,  which 
(ignifies  in  their  Language,  How  call  you  this  f  I   began  to 


26o  A  New  r>  if  cover y  of 

be  foon  able  to  talk  of  fuch  things  as  are  [173]  moft  familiar. 
This  difficulty  was  hard  to  furmount  at  firfl,  becaufe  there 
was  no  Interpreter  that  underftood  both  Tongues.  For  Ex- 
ample ;  If  I  had  a  mind  to  know  what  to  run  was  in  their 
Tongue,  I  was  forc'd  to  mend  my  pace,  and  indeed  adually 
run  from  one  end  of  the  Cabin  to  t'other,  till  they  under- 
fbood  what  I  meant,  and  had  told  me  the  Word ;  which  I 
prefently  fet  down  in  my  Didlionary.  The  Principal  of  them 
obferving  the  great  Inclination  I  had  to  learn  their  Language, 
would  often  tell  me,  Vatchijon  igagahe,  Spirit,  thou  takeft  a  great 
deal  of  Pains.  Put  Black  to  White.  One  day  they  told  me 
the  Names  of  all  the  Parts  of  a  Man's  Body.  However,  I 
forbore  fetting  down  feveral  Immodeft  Terms,  which  thefe 
People  fcruple  not  to  ufe  every  foot.  Obferving  it,  they 
would  often  cry  Igagahe,  Igagahe ;  Spirit,  Spirit,  fet  down  that 
Word  as  well  as  the  reft. 

Thus  would  they  divert  themfelves  with  me,  and  often 
fay  to  one  another,  When  we  ask  Father  Louis  any  thing,  (for 
they  had  heard  our  Canou-Men  call  me  fo)  he  does  not  anfwer 
us.  But  when  he  has  lookt  upon  the  White,  (for  they  have  no 
word  for  Paper)  he  then  talks,  and  makes  us  underfland  his 
Thoughts.  This  White  thing,  wou'd  they  add,  mufl  needs  be  a 
Spirit,  which  teaches  him  to  underfland  all  we  fay.  Hence  they 
concluded,  that  neither  of  the  Canou-Men  had  fo  much  Wit 
as  my  felf,  becaufe  they  could  not  work  upon  that  which  was 
White.  So  that  this  Qualification  in  me,  made  them  fondly 
imagine  that  I  could  do  any  thing  elfe. 

One  day,  feeing  the  Rain  fall  in  fuch  abundance,  that  they 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  261 

fear'd  'twould  fpoil  their  hunting,  they  order'd  me  to  bid  it 
ceafe.  I  told  them,  pointing  with  my  Finger  to  the  Clouds, 
That  He,  who  was  the  Great  Captain  of  Heaven,  was  the  fole 
Mafter  of  the  Rain  and  Sunjhine;  That  He  was  the  Great  Dif- 
pofer  of  all  the  Events  that  happen  to  Mortals,  or  the  Univerfe  in 
general;  That  what  they  bid  me  do,  depended  not  on  me,  but  the 
Firft  Mover,  who  had  fent  me  thither,  to  teach  them  to  acknowledge 
him  for  their  Creatour  and  Redeemer. 

[174]  Obferving  me  diftinguifli'd  from  the  Canou-Men 
by  my  Habit,  and  having  no  Notion  of  Celibacy,  they  would 
often  ask  what  Age  I  was,  and  what  Wives  and  Children  I 
had.  Their  way  of  reck'ning  their  Years  is  by  Winters. 
Thefe  Wretches,  void  of  Light  and  Inftrudion,  were  ftrangely 
furpriz'd  at  the  Anfwer  I  made  them.  I  told  them,  pointing 
to  the  two  Canou-Men,  whom  I  was  come  three  Leagues  to 
vifit.  That  with  us,  one  Man  might  marry  but  one  Wife,  and  that 
nothing  cou'd  feparate  him  again  from  that  One,  but  Death:  That 
for  my  felf,  I  had  promised  the  Great  Mafier  of  Life  never  to 
marry  any ;  but  to  come  and  dwell  amongft  them,  and  inflru5l  them 
in  the  Commands  of  the  Great  Mafier  of  Heaven  and  Earth,  and 
to  live  poorly  amongft  them,  far  from  my  own  Country,  where  all 
good  Things  did  abound. 

'Tis  true,  fays  one  of  them,  here  is  little  or  no  Hunting  in 
thefe  Parts,  and  thou  fuffereft  much :  But  have  but  patience  till 
Summer,  we  /hall  then  go  into  the  hot  Countries,  where  we  /hall 
kill  Bulls  enough,  and  then  thou  wilt  make  thy  felf  fufficient 
amends  for  the  time  thou  haft  fpent  here.  I  had  been  well  content, 
had  they  let  me  eat  as  their  Children  did ;  but  they  hid  the 


262     '  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Viduals  from  me,  and  wou'd  rife  to  eat  in  the  Night,  when  I 
knew  nothing  of  it.  And  although  Women  have  ufually  more 
Compaflion  than  Men,  yet  they  kept  the  little  Fiih  that 
they  had,  all  for  their  Children.  They  confider'd  me  as  a 
Slave  whom  their  Warriours  had  taken  in  their  Enemy's 
Country;  and  preferr'd  the  Lives  of  their  Children  before 
any  Confederation  they  had  for  me ;  as  indeed  it  was  but  rea- 
fonable  they  iliou'd. 

However,  fome  of  the  Elders  would  come  often,  and 
mourn  over  me  in  a  very  doleful  manner.  One  wou'd  call  me 
Grandfon,  another  Nephew;  and  all  would  fay  to  me,  /  am 
ftrangely  afflicted  to  fee  thee  Jo  long  without  eating,  and  to  under- 
ftand  thou  haft  been  fo  ill  treated  in  thy  Journey.  Thofe  were 
young  Jfarriours  without  Courage,  who  wou'd  have  kill'd  thee, 
and  who  robb'd  thee  of  what  [175]  thou  hadft.  If  thou  wou'dft 
have  had  Robes  of  Caftors,  or  wild  Bulls,  to  dry  thy  Tears,  we 
wou'd  have  given  'em  thee ;  but  thou  wouldft  accept  of  nothing  we 
have  prefented  thee. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  263 


CHAP.    LVI. 

The  moft  confiderable  Captain  of  the  Iffati  and  Nadoueflians  up- 
braid thoje  that  took  us.  The  Author  baptizes  the  Daughter  of 
Mamenifi. 

OUASICOUDE,  that  is  to  fay,  The  Pierc'd  Pine,  the  wifeft 
and  moft  confiderable  of  all  the  Chiefs  of  the  Iffati  and 
Nadoueffians,  made  it  publickly  appear,  that  he  was  highly 
incens'd  againft  the  Warriors  that  had  us'd  us  fo  very  ill. 
He  faid  once  in  a  full  Council,  That  thofe  who  had  robb'd 
us  of  our  Things,  were  to  be  compar'd  to  famifh'd  Dogs, 
which  having  ftole  a  piece  of  Flefh  out  of  a  Difh,  fneak  away 
with  it  when  they  have  done :  That  they  that  had  aded  much 
after  the  fame  rate  in  regard  of  us,  ought  to  be  look'd  upon 
as  Dogs,  who  cou'd  put  fuch  unworthy  Affronts  upon  Men, 
who  brought  them  Iron,  and  other  Merchandizes,  which 
they  had  no  knowledge  of,  though  they  were  found  to  be  fo 
ufeful:  That  for  Himfelf,  he  fhou'd  one  day  have  an  oppor- 
tunity of  being  reveng'd  on  him,  who  had  been  Author  of 
all  our  Sufferings.  This  Reprimand  was  worthy  the  Chara6ler 
of  a  Perfon  of  Ouaficoude^s  Authority :  And  the  Generofity 
of  the  Adlion  redounded  fince  to  the  Benefit  of  the  whole 
Nation,  as  we  fhall  fee  anon. 

Going  one   day,   as  I   often   did,   to  vifit  the   Cabins,   I 


264  A  New  Difcovery  of 

found  the  Infant-Child  of  one  call'd  Mamenifi,  very  fick. 
Having  a  little  examin'd  the  Symptoms  of  its  Diftemper,  I 
found  the  Child  paft  hopes  of  Recovery.  I  defir'd  our  two 
Canou-Men  to  give  me  their  [176]  Opinions,  telling  them,  I 
thought  my  felf  oblig'd  in  Confcience  to  baptize  it.  Michael 
Ako  cou'd  not  be  prevail'd  with  to  enter  the  Cabin  where 
the  Infant  lay.  He  faid  in  excufe.  That  I  could  not  forget 
what  a  Rifque  we  had  run  once  already,  of  being  murder'd 
by  the  Savages  through  my  Obftinacy,  in  perfifting  to  fay  my 
Breviary ;  whence  'twas  to  be  fear'd,  that  what  I  was  now 
going  to  do,  might  expofe  us  again  to  the  fame  Danger. 

The  Wretch  had  rather  comply  with  certain  Superftitions 
of  the  Barbarians,  than  affift  me  in  fo  pious  a  Defign.  Being 
follow'd  then  by  none  but  Picard  du  Gay,  who  affifted  as 
God-father,  or  rather  Witnefs  of  the  Baptifm,  I  chriften'd 
the  Child,  and  nam'd  \t  Antonettay  from  St.  Anthony  of  Padua  ; 
and  the  rather,  becaufe  the  faid  Peter'^  du  Gay's  Name  was 
Anthony  Auguelle,  Native  of  Amiens,  and  Nephew  of  Monfieur 
du  Canroi,  Prodor-General  of  the  Premonftres,^  and  fmce  Abbot 
of  Beaulieu,  to  whom  I  prefented  him  fafe  at  our  Return  from 
Canada.  But  to  proceed ;  for  want  of  more  proper  Utenfils, 
I  took  a  wooden  Difh,  and  having  put  fome  common  ordi- 
nary Water  into  it,  fprinkled  it  upon  the  Head  of  the  Httle 

^This  is  an  error  for  Picard,  a  nick-name  given  to  Auguelle  from  his  native 
province  (see  p.  i8o,  note  i,  ante). —  Ed. 

2  The  Premonstrants  were  a  monastic  order  founded  by  Saint  Norbert  in  1120,  at 
Premontre,  France  ;  his  object  was  to  correct  the  disorders  prevalent  among  the  chap- 
ters of  canons.  The  order  soon  grew  rich  and  powerful,  but  in  course  of  time  became 
itself  corrupt,  and  fell  into  decay.  The  term  "  proctor,"  which  Hennepin  here  uses, 
is  more  often  translated  "  procurator"  (Fr.  procureur) . —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  265 

Savage,  pronouncing  the  following  Words,  Creature  of  God^ 
I  baptize  thee  in  the  Name  of  the  Father^  of  the  Son^  and  of  the 
Holy  Ghojl.  Then  I  took  half  my  Altar-Cloth,  which  I  had 
fnatch'd  out  of  the  Hands  of  a  Savage,  who  had  ftole  it  from 
me,  and  fpread  it  o'er  the  Body  of  the  Infant. 

The  Baptism  was  accompany'd  with  no  other  Ceremony, 
becaufe  I  was  no  longer  in  a  Condition  to  fay  Mafs,  my 
Sacerdotal  Robes  being  all  taken  from  me.  I  believ'd  the 
Linen  could  not  ferve  to  a  more  proper  End  than  a  Wind- 
ing-Sheet to  the  firft  Infant  of  the  Country,  that  had  the 
Happinefs  to  be  baptized.  I  know  not  how  far  its  Pains 
might  be  affwag'd  by  Virtue  of  the  Linen,  or  what  Altera- 
tions it  might  feel.  I  am  fure  I  faw  it  laughing  the  next 
Day  in  [177]  its  Mother's  Arms,  who  believ'd  I  had  cur'd 
her  Child.  However  it  dy'd  fome  time  after,  which  affected 
me  more  with  Joy  than  Grief. 

Had  this  Child  recover'd,  'twas  much  to  be  fear'd  'twou'd 
have  trod  in  the  Steps  of  its  Fore-fathers,  and  been  over- 
grown with  their  infamous  Superftitions,  for  want  of  a 
Preacher  to  inftrudt  it.  For  indeed,  if  thofe  of  its  Nation 
dwelling  in  Darknefs  and  Ignorance,  continue  to  fin  without 
Law,  they  /hall  alfo  peri/h  without  Law,  as  we  are  told  by  the 
Apoftle.  Upon  thefe  Confiderations  I  was  glad  it  had  pleas'd 
God  to  take  this  little  Chriftian  out  of  the  World,  left  it 
might  have  fall'n  into  Temptations,  had  it  recover'd,  which 
might  have  engag'd  it  in  Errour  and  Superftition.  I  have 
often  attributed  my  Prefervation  amidft  the  greateft  Dangers 
which  I  have  fince  run,  to  the  Care  I  took  for  its  Baptifm. 


266  A  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    LVII. 

An  Embaffy  fent  to  the  Iffati  by  the  Savages  that  inhabit  to  the 
Weft  of  them.  Whence  it  appears  that  there  is  no  fuch  thing 
as  the  Streights  of  Anian  ;  and  that  Japan  is  on  the  fame 
Continent  as  Louifiana. 

UNDER  the  Reign  of  the  Emperour  Charles  V.  the 
Fathers  Reclufe^  of  our  Order  were  the  firft  that  were 
fent  by  his  Command  into  New-Mexico;  fince  which  time 
there  have  been  of  them  beyond  the  Vermilion-Sea.  The  mofl: 
Remarkable  Epoque  of  the  Streights  of  Anian,  commences 
from  the  time  of  that  moft  excellent  Religious  of  our  Order, 
Martin  de  Valencia,  who  was  the  Firft  Bifhop  of  the  great 
City  of  Mexico.     We  have  fpoke  of  him  elfe where. 

In  procefs  of  time  'twas  believ'd  that  the  faid  Streights 
were  only  imaginary:  Many  Perfons  noted  for  great  Learn- 
ing, are  of  this  Opinion;  and  to  [178]  evince  the  Truth  of 
it,  I  will  here  fubjoin  one  evident  Proof,  to  thofe  which  are 
already  produc'd  by  them :  and  it  is  this.  During  my  ftay 
amongft  the  Iffati  and  Nadouffians,  there  arriv'd  four  Savages 
in  Embaffie  to  thefe  People.  They  had  come  above  five 
hundred  Leagues  from  the  Weft ;  and  told  us  by  the  Inter- 
preters of  the  Iffati,  that  they  were  four  Moons  upon  the 


iThe  Recollet  branch  of  the  Franciscan  order  (see  p.  8,  note  i,  ante). —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  267 

Way;  for  fo  it  Is  they  call  their  Months.  They  added,  that 
their  Country  was  to  the  Weft,  and  that  we  lay  to  the  Eaft 
in  refped  of  them ;  that  they  had  march'd  the  whole  time 
without  refting,  except  to  fleep,  or  kill  Game  for  their  Sub- 
fiftence.  They  affur'd  us  there  was  no  fuch  thing  as  the 
Streights  of  Anian  ;  and  that  in  their  whole  Journey  they  had 
neither  met  with,  nor  paffed  over  any  Great  Lake ;  by  which 
Phrafe  they  always  mean  the  Sea,  nor  any  Arm  of  it.^ 

They  farther  inform'd  us,  that  the  Nation  of  the  Affeni- 
poulacs,^  whofe  Lake  is  down  in  the  Map,  and  who  lie  North- 
Eaft  of  the  IJfati,  was  not  above  fix  or  feven  Days  Journey 
from  us :  That  none  of  the  Nations  within  their  Knowledge, 
who  lie  to  the  Weft  and  North- Weft  of  them,  had  any  great 
Lake  about  their  Countries,  which  were  very  large,  but  only 
Rivers,  which  coming  from  the  North,  run  crofs  the  Countries 
of  their  Neighbouring  Nations,  which  border  on  their  Con- 
fines on  the  fide  of  the  Great  Lake,  which  in  the  Language 
of  the  Savages  is  the  fame  as  Sea:  That  Spirits,  and  Pigmies, 
or  Men  of  little  Stature,  did  inhabit  there,  as  they  had  been 
inform'd  by  the  People  that  liv'd  farther  up  than  themfelves ; 
and  that  all  the  Nations  which  lie  beyond  their  Country,  and 

1  The  name  given  by  early  geographers  to  an  imaginary  strait,  supposed  to  afford 
a  northern  passage  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific  ;  it  is  shown  on  many  old  maps  — 
even  as  late  as  Herman  Moll's  (about  1715),  and  Robert  de  Vaugondy's  of  1750 
(revised  edition  of  1783).  For  origin  of  the  name  Anian,  see  H.  H.  Bancroft's  Hist, 
of  Northijuest  Coast,  i,  pp.  53-56. —  Ed. 

2  Also  written  Assinipoualak  ;  the  Asiniboin  tribe  of  the  Siouan  stock.  They  are 
regarded  by  our  ethnologists  as  an  offshoot  from  one  of  the  Dakota  tribes,  and  Carver 
{Tra'vels,  ed.  1778,  p.  76)  speaks  of  them  as  "  a  revolted  band  of  the  Naudowessies"; 
their  habitat  is  mostly  in  Canada.  The  lake  here  called  by  their  name  is  Lake  Win- 
nipeg.—  Ed. 


268  A  New  Difcovery  of 

thofe  which  are  next  to  them,  do  dwell  in  Meadows  and  large 
Fields,  where  are  many  wild  Bulls  and  Caftors,  which  are 
greyer  than  thofe  of  the  North,  and  ^  have  their  Coat  more 
inclining  to  Black ;  with  many  other  wild  Beafts,  which  yield 
very  fine  Furrs. 

[179]  The  four  Savages  of  the  faid  Embaffy  affur'd  us 
farther,  that  there  were  very  few  Forefts  in  the  Countries 
through  which  they  pafs'd  in  their  way  hither ;  infomuch  that 
now  and  then  they  were  fo  put  to  it  for  Fuel,  that  they  were 
forc'd  to  make  Fires  of  Bull's  Dung,  to  boil  their  Viduals 
with  in  Earthen-Pots,  which  they  make  ufe  of,  as  neither 
having,  nor  knowing  of  any  better.^ 

All  thefe  Circumftances  which  I  have  here  inferted,  make 
it  appear,  that  there  is  no  fuch  thing  as  the  Streights  of 
Anian,  as  we  ufually  fee  them  fet  down  in  Maps.  To  affert 
the  Truth  of  what  I  fay,  I  here  frankly  offer  my  felf  to  return 
into  thefe  Parts,  with  fuch  Ships  as  His  Britannkk  Majefty^ 
or  their  High  and  Mightineffes,'^  the  States  General,  fhall  think 


^An  obvious  error  in  translation;  for  "and"  read  "which"  (see  Nowvelle 
Decouverte  —  Utrecht,  1697  —  p.  370). —  Ed. 

2  Remains  of  earthen  pottery  have  been  found  in  mounds  opened  in  Iowa  and 
Dakota;  but  Dorseysays  ([/.  S.  Bur,  Ethnol.  Rep.,  1891-92,  pp.  276-277):  "  Pottery 
has  not  been  made  by  the  Omahas  for  more  than  fifty  years  ;  the  art  of  making  it  has 
been  forgotten  by  the  tribe.  .  .  •  When  pottery  was  made,  they  used  bowls  and  ket- 
tles (and  spoons)."  Those  Siouan  tribes  who  did  not  make  pottery  could  easily,  and 
doubtless  did,  procure  utensils  by  barter  among  the  tribes  along  the  Mississippi.  See 
W.  H.  Holmes's  "Ancient  Pottery  of  Mississippi  Valley,"  in  Report  for  1882-83, 
pp.  361-436. —  Ed. 

3  High  mightinesses :  a  term  applied  to  the  members  of  the  States-General,  or 
legislative  body,  of  Holland. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  269 

fit  to  fend  thither,  in  order  to  a  full  Difcovery  ;  in  which  I 
have  no  other  Aim  but  the  Glory  of  God,  the  Propagation 
of  the  Gofpel,  Inftrudlion  of  thofe  blind  and  ignorant  People, 
who  have  been  negledled  for  fo  many  Ages,  Improvement  of 
Trade,  which,  the  better  'tis  underflood,  the  more  will  it 
daily  encreafe  between  the  Subjedls  of  the  King  of  Spain  my 
Mafter,  and  thofe  of  His  Britannick  Majefty  and  States  General: 
And  laftly.  That  Correfpondence  and  Union  fo  neceffary  to 
be  maintain'd  amongfl  them,  that  they  may  live  and  labour 
together  for  the  Common  Good.  I  declare,  I  have  no  other 
Defign ;  that  my  Intentions  are  (incere  and  upright,  and  that 
my  Defire  is  to  be  ferviceable  to  all  Europe ;  Refpe6l  being 
firft  had,  as  I  am  in  Duty  bound,  to  my  Natural  Prince,  the 
King  of  England,  and  the  States;  to  whom  I  am  fmgularly 
engag'd,  for  the  good  Reception  they  were  pleas'd  to  honour 
me  with.  Others  perhaps  would  have  us'd  me  ill,  in  return 
of  all  my  Services,  and  the  many  dangerous  Voyages  I  have 
made,  with  no  other  Deiign,  but  to  contribute  what  in  me 
lay,  to  the  Glory  of  God,  the  Salvation  of  Souls,  and  the 
Good  of  all  Chrijiendom.  I  know  [180]  well  what  I  fay.  But 
to  return :  Whatever  Efforts  have  been  made  for  many  Years 
paft,  by  the  Englijh  and  Dutch,  the  two  Nations  of  the  World, 
who  are  the  greateft  Navigators,  to  find  out  a  Paffage  to 
China  and  Japan,  thro'  the  Frozen-Sea,  they  have  not  as  yet 
been  able  to  effedl  it.  But  by  the  help  of  my  Difcovery,  and 
the  AfTiftance  of  God,  I  doubt  not  to  let  all  Europe  fee  that 
a  Paffage  may  flill  be  found  thither,  and  that  an  eafie  one 


270  A  New  Difcovery  of 

too.  For  Example ;  One  may  be  tranfported  into  the  Pacifick- 
Sea  by  Rivers,  which  are  large,  and  capable  of  carrying  great 
Veffels,  and  from  thence  'tis  eafie  to  go  to  China  and  Japan, 
without  crofling  the  Equinodial  Line.  Thofe  that  read  my 
Relation,  and  will  never  fo  little  examine  the  Maps  which  are 
annext  to  it,  will  foon  acknowledge  the  Truth  of  what  I  fay. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  271 


CHAP.    LVIII. 

The  Iffati  affemble  to  hunt  the  Wild-Eidl.  Refiifal  of  the  two 
Canow-Men  to  take  the  Author  into  their  Canow,  in  order  to 
go  down  the  River  of  St.  Francis. 

AFTER  three  Months  or  thereabouts,  fpent  very  ill 
amongft  the  Iffati  and  Nadoueffians,  thefe  Nations  affem- 
bl'd  to  hunt  the  Wild-Bull;  and  their  Captains  having 
affign'd  them  their  Stations,  that  they  might  not  fall  in  with 
one  another,  they  feparated  themfelves  into  many  Bands. 

Jquipaguetin,  the  Chief,  that  had  adopted  me  for  his  Son, 
wou'd  have  carry'd  me  to  the  Weft  with  about  200  Families. 
But  remembering  the  Reproaches  which  the  great  Captain 
Ouaficoude  had  made  him,  upon  the  Score  of  our  ill  ufage,  I 
was  apprehenfive  left  he  fhou'd  lay  hold  of  this  Opportunity 
to  avenge  himfelf  on  me.  I  told  him  therefore,  I  expeded 
fome  Spirits,  which  in  their  Language  is  as  much  as  [i8i] 
to  fay  Europeans^  at  the  River  Ouifconfin,  which  difcharges  it 
felf  into  the  River  Mefchafipi ;  that  according  to  the  Promife 
made  me  by  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  they  wou'd  meet  me  there 
with  Iron,  and  other  Commodities,  which  as  yet  they  were 
unacquainted  with ;  and  that  if  he  would  think  of  turning  his 
Expedition  that  way,  I  ftiou'd  be  very  glad  to  accompany 


272  A  New  Difcovery  of 

him.  He  heard  my  Propofal,  and  was  willing  to  embrace  it ; 
but  thofe  of  his  Band  wou'd  not  let  him. 

In  the  beginning  of  July^  1680,  we  began  to  defcend 
towards  the  South,  with  the  great  Captain  Ouaficoude,  and 
about  80  Cabins,  containing  130  Families  and  250  Warriors. 
The  Savages  who  had  nothing  but  old  Canou's,  cou'd  not 
make  me  room ;  fo  that  they  went  four  Days  Journey  lower, 
to  get  fome  Birchen-Bark,  to  make  more  new  ones.  I  made 
a  hole  in  the  Ground,  in  which  I  hid  my  gilt  Chalice,  with 
my  Books  and  Papers,  till  we  fhould  return  from  hunting; 
and  took  nothing  with  me  but  my  Breviary,  that  I  might 
not  cumber  my  felf. 

I  Plac'd  my  felf  upon  the  Brink  of  the  Lake  which  forms 
the  River  of  St.  Francis^  where  I  held  out  my  Hands  to  the 
Canou-Men,  as  they  paft  very  fwiftly  by,  to  defire  them  to 
take  me  in.  Our  two  Europeans  were  in  a  Canow,  which  had 
been  given  them  by  the  Savages.  However,  I  cou'd  not 
prevail  with  them  to  receive  me.  Michael  Ako  told  me  very 
brutifhly,  he  had  carry'd  me  long  enough.  This  rough  and 
unhandfome  Anfwer  made  me  very  melancholy,  when  I  faw 
my  felf  forfaken  by  thofe  of  my  own  Country  and  Religion, 
whom  I  had  always  endeavour'd  to  oblige,  as  themfelves  had 
often  acknowledg'd  before  Perfons  of  the  firft  Quality,  where 
I  was  us'd  to  be  receiv'd  with  all  the  Marks  of  Diftindlion, 
while  themfelves  were  fuffer'd  to  ftand  and  cool  their  Heels 
at  the  Door. 

[182]  But  God,  who  of  his  Mercy  never  forfook  me 
throughout  all  my  Adventures,  infpir'd  two  of  the  Savages 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  273 

with  fo  much  CompafTion,  as  to  take  me  with  them  into  their 
Canou,  though  it  were  lefs  than  that  of  the  Europeans.  Here 
I  was  continually  employ'd  in  laving  out  Water,  which  foak'd 
in  again  as  faft  as  'twas  thrown  out,  through  abundance  of 
little  Chinks.  This  Work  was  uneafie  enough ;  befides  that, 
I  could  not  keep  my  felf  from  being  thoroughly  wet.  How- 
ever, 'twas  neceffary  to  have  Patience.  It  might  have  been 
properly  faid  of  this  little  Veffel,  that  when  a  Man  was  in  it, 
he  was  in  his  Coffin ;  fo  crazy  was  it,  and  ready  to  break. 
This  fort  of  Canou's  feldom  weigh  above  50  Pounds,  and 
the  leaft  Motion  of  the  Body  overfets  them,  at  leaft  if  you 
have  not  been  long  acquainted  with  this  fort  of  Navigation. 

At  Evening  when  we  landed,  Picard  began  to  excufe  him- 
felf,  pretending  their  Canow  was  a  very  rotten  one,  that  it 
would  certainly  have  burft,  had  we  been  all  three  in  it,  and 
that  we  muft  needs  have  been  left  by  the  way.  Notwithftand- 
ing  thefe  Excufes,  I  told  them,  that  being  Chriftians,  they 
had  not  done  well  to  ufe  me  as  they  did,  efpecially  confider- 
ing  among  whom  we  were :  That  they  had  forfaken  me  very 
unfeafonably,  having  left  me  all  alone  at  above  800  Leagues 
diftance  from  Canada,  allowing  for  the  Reaches  we  were  to 
make,  before  we  cou'd  get  thither :  That  if  they  had  receiv'd 
any  good  Ufage  from  the  Savages,  'twas  owing  to  my  Inge- 
nuity more  than  their  own,  having  been  capable  of  letting 
feveral  of  them  Blood,  and  otherwife  affifting  'em  in  their 
Sicknefs  by  my  Orvietan,  and  fome  other  Medicines  which  I 
carefully  kept  by  me. 

To  this  I   added,  that  by  the  fame  means  I  had  cur'd 


274  A  New  Difcovery  of 

others  of  them  that  had  been  bitten  by  Rattle-Snakes,  of 
which  I  fhall  fpeak  in  my  Second  Volume.  That  I  fhav'd  the 
Crowns  of  their  Children's  Heads,  [183]  (on  which  they  wear 
the  Hair  till  eighteen  or  twenty)  which  was  no  fmall  matter, 
confidering  they  cou'd  not  do  it  themfelves,  without  putting 
them  to  great  Pain,  by  burning  off  the  Hair  with  flat  Stones, 
which  they  heat  red-hot  in  the  Fire:  That  hitherto  indeed, 
I  had  made  but  little  advance  in  order  to  their  Salvation,  by 
reafon  of  their  natural  Stupidity;  but  that  the  befl  way  to 
take  the  Soul  was  to  begin  with  the  Body :  That,  in  fhort  I 
had  gain'd  their  Friendfhip  by  my  Services,  and  that  they 
would  have  certainly  kill'd  us  at  the  time  they  us'd  us  fo  ill, 
but  that  they  knew  I  had  certain  Remedies  about  me  proper 
to  reftore  Health  to  the  Sick ;  which  they  thought  was  a 
Treafure  never  to  be  valu'd  as  it  ought. 

None  was  with  me  during  this  Harangue,  but  Pkard  du 
Gay,  who,  as  he  was  going  to  his  Cabin,  deiir'd  me  to  pardon 
him.  But  the  great  Captain  Ouaficoude  having  heard  of  this 
barbarous  A6lion  of  the  two  Canow-Men,  order'd  them  to 
appear  before  the  Council,  and  told  them,  that  for  the  future 
he  wou'd  take  care  to  remove  me  out  of  the  reach,  not  only 
of  Aqiiipaguetin,  who  had  fo  often  attempted  my  Life,  and  yet 
adopted  me  for  his  Son,  but  likewife  from  their  Company, 
who,  like  two  Villains,  as  they  were,  had  fo  bafely  deferted 
me.  Had  I  not  luckily  bethought  my  felf  to  break  three 
Arrows  in  the  prefence  of  this  brave  Chief,  the  Canow-Men 
being  yet  by,  he  had  infaUibly  caus'd  them  to  have  been  put 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  275 

to  death  that  very  Minute.  I  fliall  never  forget  the  Hu- 
manity of  this  great  Captain,  who  treated  me  fo  favourably 
on  all  Occafions.  The  two  Canow-Men  were  furpriz'd  at 
what  had  happen'd,  and  promis'd  me  an  entire  Obedience 
for  the  future. 


276  A  New  Difcovery  of 


[184]        CHAP.    LIX. 

The  Savages  halt  above  the  Fall  of  St.  Anthony  of  Padua. 
They  are  jlreighten'd  for  Provifions.  The  Author,  with 
Picard,  returns  to  the  River  Ouifconfin.  The  Adventures  of 
the  Voyage. 

FOUR  Days  after  our  Departure  to  hunt  the  wild  Bulls, 
the  Barbarians  made  a  Halt  fome  eight  Leagues  above 
the  Fall  of  St.  Anthony  of  Padua,  upon  an  Eminence,  over 
againft  the  River  of  St.  Francis.  The  Savage  Women  pre- 
par'd  little  Docks  to  build  the  new  Canou's  in,  againft  the 
return  of  thofe  who  were  gone  for  Bark.  The  Youth  in  the 
mean  time  went  out  to  hunt  the  Stag,  the  wild  Goat  and  the 
Caftor;  but  with  fo  little  Succefs,  that  the  Prey  they  brought 
home  was  fo  difproportionable  to  the  Number  that  were  to 
feed  on't,  that  we  had  hardly  every  one  a  Mouthful.  Happy 
the  Man  that  once  in  four  and  twenty  Hours  cou'd  get  fo 
much  as  a  Sup  of  Broath. 

This  put  Picard  and  my  felf  upon  hunting  after  Goofe- 
berries,  and  other  wild  Fruits,  which  often  did  us  more  harm 
than  good.  And  I  am  confident,  that  had  it  not  been  for 
my  Orvietan-Powder,  which  in  a  great  meafure  correded  the 
bad  Nutriment  which  we  took  in,  our  Lives  had  been  in 
great  Danger.     This  extreme  Want,  made  us  take  a  Refo- 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  277 

lution,  upon  Michael  Ako's  refufing  to  accompany  us,  to  ven- 
ture our  felves  in  a  little  forry  Canou  as  far  as  the  River 
Ouifconfm,  which  was  at  no  lefs  diftance  from  us  than  130 
Leagues,  to  fee  if  the  Sieur  de  Salle  had  kept  his  Word  with 
us :  For  he  had  promis'd  us  pofitively  to  fend  Men  with 
Powder,  and  Lead,  and  other  Merchandizes,  to  the  place 
which  I  have  already  mention'd :  And  of  this  he  affured  me 
[185]  more  than  once,  before  his  departure  from  the  Illinois. 

The  Savages  wou'd  never  have  fuffer'd  us  to  have  made 
this  Voyage,  without  one  of  the  three  being  left  with  them : 
And  my  felf  was  the  Man  they  pitch'd  upon  to  ftay,  by  the 
Advice  of  the  great  Captain  Ouaficoude^  whilft  the  two  Canou- 
Men  were  at  liberty  to  proceed  on  their  Voyage.  But 
Michael  Ako^  who  was  apprehenfive  of  the  many  Hardlhips 
he  was  like  to  meet  with  in  this  Expedition,  could  never  be 
prevail'd  upon  to  confent  to  it :  So  that  feeing  he  began  to 
relifh  the  Barbarians  way  of  living,  I  defir'd  their  Chief,  that 
I  might  have  leave  to  accompany  Picard  in  his  ftead ;  who 
accordingly  granted  my  Requeft. 

Our  whole  Equipage  confifted  of  fifteen  or  twenty 
Charges  of  Powder,  a  Fufil,  a  little  forry  Earthen  Pot,  which 
the  Barbarians  gave  us,  a  Knife  between  us  both,  and  a  Gar- 
ment of  Caftor.  Thus  were  we  equipt  for  a  Voyage  of  250 
Leagues ;  but  our  greateft  Truft  was  in  Providence.  As  we 
were  carrying  our  little  Canou  to  the  Fall  of  St.  Anthony  of 
Padua,  we  perceiv'd  five  or  fix  Savages,  who  were  got  there 
before  us.  One  of  them  was  got  up  into  an  Oak  over 
againft  the  great  Fall  of  Water,  where  he  was  weeping  moft 


278  A  New  Difcovery  of 

bitterly,  having  faften'd  to  one  of  the  Branches  of  the  Tree, 
a  Robe  of  Caftor,  which  was  white  within-fide,  and  garnifh'd 
with  Porcupine. 

The  poor  Wretch  had  offer'd  it  in  Sacrifice  to  the  Fall; 
which,  indeed,  of  it  felf  is  terrible,  and  hath  fomething  in  it 
very  aflonifhing :  However,  it  doth  not  come  near  that  of 
Niagara.  I  could  hear  him  fay,  as  he  was  addrefling  himfelf 
to  the  Cafcade,  with  Tears  in  his  Eyes ;  Thou  art  a  Spirit^ 
grant  that  Thofe  of  my  Nation  may  pafs  here  without  any  Dif- 
after ;  That  we  may  meet  with  a  great  many  wild  Bulls ;  and 
that  we  may  be  Jo  happy  as  to  vanqui/h  our  Enemy,  and  take  a 
great  many  Slaves,  whom,  when  we  have  made  [168,  i.  e.  186] 
them  Juffer  according  to  their  Merits,  we  will  bring  hither,  and 
flay  in  thy  Presence,  The  Meffenacks  ('tis  fo  they  call  the 
Nation  of  the  Outtouagami's)  have  flain  fome  of  our  Kindred  : 
Grant  we  may  be  able  to  revenge  our  felves  upon  'em  for  that 
Affront. 

The  laft  part  of  his  Requeft  hapned  to  be  fulfill'd  fooner, 
I  believe,  than  he  expedled ;  For  as  they  return'd  from 
hunting  the  wild  Bulls,  they  attack'd  their  Enemy,  kill'd  a 
good  many  of  them,  and  carry'd  oflF  feveral  Slaves,  whom 
they  put  to  death  before  the  Fall,  after  the  moft  barbarous 
and  inhumane  manner  in  the  World,  as  we  fhall  fee  in  the 
Second  Volume.  Now  if  after  fuch  a  barbarous  Ceremony  as  I 
have  been  defcribing,  it  happen  but  once  that  the  Succefs 
anfwers  the  Requeft,  'tis  fufhcient  to  render  them  obftinate 
in  their  fuperftitious  Cuftom,  tho'  it  mifcarry  a  hundred 
times  for  once  that  it  hits.     As  for  the  Caftor-Robe,  which 


a  "Large  Country  in  America.  279 

was  thus  offer'd  as  a  fort  of  Sacrifice,  one  of  our  'Europeans 
made  bold  with  it  at  his  return,  and  wou'd  have  been  glad 
of  having  more  frequent  Opportunities  of  profiting  by  their 
Devotions. 

When  we  had  got  about  a  League  below  the  Fall,  Picard 
mifs'd  his  Powder-Horn,  and  remembring  he  had  left  it  there, 
was  forc'd  to  go  back  and  fetch  it.  At  his  Return  I  fhew'd 
him  a  huge  Serpent,  as  big  as  a  Man's  Leg,  and  feven  or 
eight  Foot  long.  She  was  working  her  felf  infenfibly  up  a 
fleep  craggy  Rock,  to  get  at  the  Swallows  Nefts  which  are 
there  in  great  Numbers :  And  at  the  Bottom  of  the  Moun- 
tain we  faw  the  Feathers  of  thofe  fhe  had  already  devour'd. 
We  pelted  her  fo  long  with  Stones,  till  at  length  fhe  fell  into 
the  River.  Her  Tongue  which  was  in  form  of  a  Lance,  was 
of  an  extraordinary  length.  Her  Hifs  might  be  heard  a 
great  way,  and  the  Noife  of  it  feiz'd  us  with  Horror.  Poor 
Picard  dreamt  of  her  at  Night,  and  was  in  a  great  Agony 
[187]  all  the  while.  He  told  me,  I  had  done  him  a  fenfible 
Kindnefs  in  waking  him ;  for  though  he  was  a  Man  intrepid 
enough,  yet  he  was  all  In  a  fweat  with  the  fright  of  his 
Dream.  I  have  likewife  my  felf  been  often  diilurb'd  in  my 
Sleep  with  the  Image  of  her ;  fo  great  an  Impreffion  did  the 
fight  of  this  Monfter  make  upon  our  Spirits. 

As  we  were  falling  down  the  River  Mejchafipi  with  extraor- 
dinary Swiftnefs,  becaufe  the  Current  is  very  rapid  in  this 
place,  by  reafon  'tis  fo  near  the  Fall,  we  found  fome  of  the 
Savages  of  our  Band,  In  the  Iflands  of  the  River,  where  they 
had  fet  up  their  Cabins,  and  were  well  provided  with  Bulls 


28o  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Flefh.  They  offer'd  us  very  freely  of  what  they  had.  But 
about  two  Hours  after  our  landing,  we  thought  we  fhould 
have  been  all  murder'd :  Fifteen  or  lixteen  Savages  came  into 
the  middle  of  the  Place  where  we  were,  with  their  great  Clubs 
in  their  Hands.  The  firft  thing  they  did  was  to  over-fet  the 
Cabin  of  thofe  that  had  invited  us.  Then  they  took  away 
all  their  Viduals,  and  what  Bears-Oil  they  could  find  in  their 
Bladders,  or  elfewhere,  with  which  they  rubb'd  themfelves  all 
over  from  Head  to  Foot. 

We  took  them  at  firft  for  Enemies ;  and  Picard  was  very 
near  flicking  the  firft  that  came  in  with  his  Sword.  At  the 
firft  furprize,  I  began  to  lay  hold  of  the  two  Pocket-Piftols 
that  du  Gay  had  left  me ;  but  by  good  luck  I  contain'd  my 
felf,  or  otherwife,  without  doubt,  there  had  been  an  end  of 
us ;  for  their  Companions  would  not  have  fail'd  to  have  re- 
veng'd  upon  us  the  Death  of  thofe  we  had  kill'd. 

We  knew  not  what  thefe  Savages  were  at  firft;  but  it 
appear'd  they  were  fome  of  thofe  that  we  had  left  above  at 
the  Fall  of  St.  Anthony.  One  of  them,  who  call'd  himfelf  my 
Uncle,  told  me,  that  thofe  who  had  given  us  Vi6luals,  had 
done  bafely  to  go  and  foreftal  the  others  in  the  Chafe ;  and 
that  according  to  the  Laws  and  Cuftoms  of  their  [i88] 
Country,  'twas  lawful  for  them  to  plunder  them,  fince  they 
had  been  the  caufe  that  the  Bulls  were  all  run  away,  before 
the  Nation  could  get  together,  which  was  a  great  Injury  to 
the  Publick ;  For  when  they  are  all  met,  they  make  a  great 
Slaughter  amongft  the  Bulls ;  for  they  furround  them  fo  on 
every  fide,  that  'tis  impofiible  for  them  to  efcape. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  281 


CHAP.    LX. 

The  Hunting  of  the  Tortoife.  The  Author's  Canow  is  carry'd  off 
by  a  fudden  blaft  of  Windy  which  was  like  to  have  reduc'd  him 
and  his  Companion  to  great  Streights. 

IN  about  threefcore  Leagues  rowing,  we  had  kill'd  but  one 
wild-Goat,  which  we  did  as  fhe  was  crofTing  the  River. 
The  Heats  were  now  grown  fo  exceflive,  that  our  Provifions 
would  be  fpoil'd  in  twenty  four  Hours.  This  put  us  upon 
Hunting  the  Tortoife ;  but  'twas  with  much  difficulty  that 
we  could  take  any ;  for  being  very  quick  of  hearing,  they 
would  throw  themfelves  into  the  Water  upon  the  leaft  noife. 
However,  we  took  one  at  laft,  which  was  much  larger  than 
any  we  had  feen :  His  Shell  was  thin,  and  the  Flefh  very  fat. 
Whilft  I  was  contriving  to  cut  off  his  Head,  he  had  like  to 
have  been  before-hand  with  me,  by  fnapping  of  my  Finger 
with  his  Teeth,  which  are  very  fharp. 

Whilft  we  were  managing  this  Affair,  we  had  hailed  our 
Canou  a-fhoar;  but  it  feems  a  fudden  and  violent  Blaft  of 
Wind  had  carry'd  her  off  again  into  the  middle  of  the  River. 
Picard  was  gone  into  the  Meadows,  to  fee  if  he  could  kill  a 
wild  Bull ;  fo  that  I  was  left  alone  with  the  Canou.  This 
oblig'd  me  to  throw  my  Habit  as  faft  as  I  could  over  the 
Tortoife,  which  I  had  turn'd,  for  fear  he  fhould  get   [189] 


282  A  New  Difcovery  of 

away.  I  likewife  laid  feveral  Stones  upon  my  Clothes,  the 
better  to  fecure  him.  When  I  had  done,  I  fell  a  fwimming 
after  our  Canow,  which  went  very  fafl  down  the  River,  being 
carry'd  by  a  very  quick  Stream,  becaufe  'twas  juft  at  the 
turning  of  a  Point.  After  I  had  recover'd  it  with  a  great 
deal  of  difficulty,  I  durft  not  get  into  it,  for  fear  of  being 
overfet,  and  wetting  the  Woollen  Coverlet  that  was  in  it, 
which  I  us'd  to  fleep  on,  and  the  reft  of  our  little  Equipage : 
For  which  reafon  I  was  forc'd  to  pufh  it  fometimes  before 
me,  and  fometimes  tug  it  after  me,  till  by  little  and  little  I 
gain'd  the  Shoar,  a  fmall  half  quarter  of  a  League  below  the 
Place  where  I  had  left  the  Tortoife. 

Picard  returning  from  the  Chace,  where  he  had  kill'd 
nothing ;  and  finding  only  my  Habit  upon  the  Tortoife,  but 
no  Canow,  had  reafon  to  think  that  fome  Savage  or  other 
having  found  me  alone,  had  kill'd  me.  In  great  fufpence,  he 
return'd  into  the  Meadows,  to  look  about  if  he  could  fee 
any  body.  In  the  mean  time,  I  had  made  what  hafte  I  cou'd 
up  the  River  with  my  Canow ;  and  had  no  fooner,  taken  up 
my  Clothes,  but  I  'fpy'd  a  Drove  of  fixty  Bulls  and  Cows, 
with  their  Calves,  croffing  the  River,  towards  the  Land  on 
the  South-fide.  I  purfu'd  them  in  my  Canow,  and  fet  up  as 
great  a  Cry  as  I  could,  to  give  Picard  notice  of  it.  He  made 
up  to  the  Noife,  and  had  time  enough  to  get  into  the  Canow, 
whilft  a  Dog  which  we  had  with  us,  by  his  Barking,  had  drove 
them  to  a  Bay  in  the  Ifles  of  the  River.  When  we  were  pre- 
pared, the  Dog  drove  them  from  thence ;  and  as  they  pafs'd 
by  us,  Picard  kill'd  one  of  them  with  his  Fufil,  having  lodg'd 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  283 

the  Bullet  in  his  Head.  Having  dragg'd  it  to  the  fide  of  the 
River,  it  prov'd  to  be  a  Cow,  that  weigh'd  about  five  or  fix 
hundred  weight.  The  Bulls  have  more  Flefh,  and  weigh 
heavier;  but  becaufe  we  could  not  get  it  quite  to  Land,  we 
contented  our  [190]  felves  with  cutting  the  beft  Pieces,  and 
left  the  reft  in  the  Water. 

'Twas  almoft  now  eight  and  forty  Hours  fince  we  eat  laft; 
fo  that  we  fell  a  kindling  a  Fire  as  faft  as  we  could,  which  we 
made  of  the  Wood  the  River  had  thrown  upon  the  Sands ; 
and  as  faft  as  Picard  skinn'd  it,  I  put  the  Pieces  of  Flefh  into 
our  little  earthen  Pot  to  boil.  We  eat  of  it  with  that  greed- 
inefs,  that  both  of  us  were  fick ;  fo  that  we  were  oblig'd  to 
hide  our  felves  in  an  Ifland,  where  we  refted  two  Days  for 
the  recovery  of  our  Health  by  the  help  of  my  Orvietan,  which 
was  a  great  Benefit  to  us  during  the  whole  Voyage.  Whilft 
I  was  fetching  the  Pieces  of  Flefli  which  Picard  gave  me,  I 
went  backward  and  forward  very  often  clofe  by  a  Rattle- 
Snake,  feven  or  eight  Foot  long,  without  perceiving  him,  as 
he  lay  wrapt  afleep  in  the  Sun.  I  told  Picard  of  it,  who  came 
and  kill'd  him  with  our  Oar,  and  afterwards  threw  him  into 
the  River. 

To  be  fhort,  we  could  not  charge  our  felves  with  much 
Provifions,  becaufe  of  the  fmallnefs  of  our  Canow;  befides 
that,  the  exceflive  Heat  tainted  it  prefently,  fo  that  'twou'd 
fwarm  with  Worms  in  an  inftant.  For  thefe  Reafons  we  were 
foon  in  the  fame  condition;  and  when  we  embark'd  in  the 
Morning,  we  knew  not  whether  we  fhou'd  have  any  thing  to 
eat  at  Night.     Never  had  we   more   reafon  to   admire   the 


284  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Goodnefs  of  Providence,  than  during  this  Voyage.  'Twas 
not  every  Day  we  met  with  any  Game,  nor  when  we  did, 
were  we  fure  to  kill  it. 

The  Eagles,  which  are  to  be  feen  in  abundance  in  thefe 
vaft  Countries,  will  fometimes  drop  a  Breme,  a  large  Carp, 
or  fome  other  Fiih,  as  they  are  carrying  them  to  their  Nefts 
in  their  Talons,  to  feed  their  young.  One  day  we  'fpy'd  an 
Otter,  which  was  feeding  on  a  great  Fifh  upon  the  Bank  of 
the  River;  which  Fifh  had  upon  its  Head  a  fort  of  [191] 
Beak  about  five  Inches  broad,  and  a  Foot  and  a  half  long.  As 
foon  as  Picard  'fpy'd  it,  he  cry'd  out  he  faw  the  Devil  between 
the  Claws  of  the  Otter.  This  Surprize  was  not  fo  great,  but 
that  we  made  bold  to  feed  heartily  upon  It.  The  Flefh  of  It 
was  good  ;  and  we  nam'd  it  the  Sturgeon  with  the  long  Beak.^ 


^  See  p.  219,  note  i,  ante. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  285 


CHAP.    LXI. 

Tf^e  continue  our  Courfe  in  fearch  of  the  River  Ouifconfin. 
Aquipaguetin  finds  us,  and  gets  thither  before  us.  We  fuhfifl 
meerly  by  Providence. 

NOTWITHSTANDING  we  had  row'd  fo  many  Leagues, 
yet  cou'd  we  not  find  the  River  of  Ouifconfin :  This 
made  us  believe  that  it  was  ftill  at  a  great  diftance  from  us; 
when  behold  Aquipaguetin,  whom  we  believ'd  to  be  above 
200  Leagues  off,  appear'd  all  on  a  fudden,  with  ten  Warriors 
with  him,  towards  the  middle  of  July,  1680.  We  thought  at 
firft  he  came  to  kill  us,  becaufe  we  had  quitted  him,  though 
'twere  by  the  confent  of  the  other  Savages :  But  he  gave  us 
fome  wild  Oats,  with  a  Piece  of  good  Bull's  Flefh ;  and  ask'd 
us  if  we  had  found  the  Europeans  who  were  to  meet  us  with 
their  Merchandife.  Our  Anfwer  not  fatisfying  him,  he  was 
refolv'd  to  go  to  Ouifconfin  himfelf ;  but  when  he  came  there, 
found  no  body.  He  return'd  at  the  end  of  three  Days,  as 
we  were  ftill  purfuing  our  Voyage,  being  refolv'd  to  acquit 
our  felves  fully  of  the  Promife  which  we  had  made  the  Sieur 
de  Salle,  to  come  thither  and  meet  thofe  that  he  fhould  fend. 
When  Aquipaguetin  firft  appear'd  at  his  return,  Picard  was 
gone  to  Hunt  in  the  Meads,  and  my  felf  remain'd  alone  in  a 
little  Cabin,  which  [192]  we  had  fet  up  under  our  Coverlet, 


286  A  New  Difcovery  of 

which  one  of  the  Savages  had  return'd  me,  to  fhade  us  from 
the  Sun-beams,  which  were  very  fcorching  at  this  Seafon. 
Aqiiipaguetin  feeing  me  alone,  came  up  to  me  with  his  Club 
in  his  Hand :  I  immediately  laid  hold  of  my  two  Pocket- 
Piftols  and  a  Knife,  which  Picard  had  recover'd  out  of  the 
Hands  of  the  Barbarians.  I  had  no  mind  to  kill  the  Man 
that  had  adopted  me,  but  only  frighten  him,  and  keep  him 
from  murdering  me,  in  cafe  that  were  his  intent. 

Aquipaguetin  began  to  reprimand  me  for  expofing  my  felf 
in  the  manner  I  did  to  the  Infults  of  their  Enemies;  and 
that  at  leaft  I  ought  to  have  kept  the  other  fide  of  the  River. 
He  would  have  carry'd  me  with  him,  telling  me,  that  he  had 
300  Hunters  with  him,  who  kill'd  more  Game  than  thofe  that 
I  was  engag'd  with.  And  probably  it  had  been  more  advife- 
able  for  me  to  have  follow'd  his  Advice,  than  to  profecute 
my  Voyage  any  farther.  However,  our  Refolution  then  was, 
to  continue  our  courfe  towards  the  River  Ouifconfui;  where 
when  we  came,  we  found  none  of  the  Men  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle 
had  promis'd  to  fend  us.  Picard  and  my  felf  had  hke  to 
have  perifh'd  on  a  thoufand  different  Occafions,  as  we  came 
down  the  River:  And  now  we  found  our  felves  oblig'd  to 
go  up  it  again,  which  could  not  be  done  without  repeating 
the  fame  Hazards,  and  other  Difficulties  not  to  be  imagin'd. 


a  Lai'-ge  Country  in  America.  287 


[193]         CHAP.    LXII. 

The  great  Streights  which  the  Author  and  his  Companion  are 
reduc'd  to  in  their  Voyage.  They  at  laft  meet  again  with  the 
Savages  at  their  return  from  Hunting. 

PICJRD,  who  had  been  very  ill  us'd  by  the  Savages,  had 
rather  venture  all  than  go  up  the  River  with  y^^////)^^//^//;/. 
Six  Charges  of  Powder  was  all  that  we  had  left,  which  oblig'd 
us  to  hufband  it  as  well  as  we  could ;  wherefore  we  divided 
it  into  twenty,  to  fhoot  only  for  the  future  at  Turtles  or 
Wild  Pigeons.  When  thefe  alfo  were  fpent,  we  had  recourfe 
to  three  Hooks,  which  we  baited  with  fome  ftinking  Barbel 
that  an  Eagle  hapned  to  drop.  We  took  nothing  the  two 
firft  Days,  and  were  deftirute  of  all  means  of  fubfiftence. 
This  made  us,  you  muft  think,  betake  our  felves  to  Prayers 
with  greater  fervency  than  ever.  And  yet  Picard,  'midft  all 
our  Misfortunes,  could  not  forbear  telling  me,  that  he  fhould 
pray  to  God  with  a  much  better  Heart  if  his  Belly  were  full. 
I  comforted  both  him  and  my  felf  as  well  as  I  could,  and 
defir'd  him  to  row  with  all  the  force  he  had  left,  to  fee  if  we 
could  catch  a  Tortoife.  The  next  Morning,  having  row'd 
the  belt  part  of  the  Night,  we  found  a  Tortoife,  which  was 
no  bigger  than  an  ordinary  Plate.  We  went  to  boiling  him 
the  fame   Minute  on   the  Fire   that  we   had   kindled.     We 


288  A  New  Difcovery  of 

devour'd  it  fo  haftily,  that  I  did  not  obferve  that  I  cut  the 
Gall,  which  made  my  Mouth  as  bitter  as  it  felf ;  but  I  ran 
immediately  and  gargled  my  Throat,  and  fo  fell  to't  again, 
with  the  fame  eagernefs  as  before. 

Notwithftanding  our  famifh'd  Condition,  we  got  at  laft  to 
the  River  of  Bulls  [Buffalo  River] :  Here  we  caft  our  Hooks, 
which  we  baited  with  a  white  Fifh  that  an  Eagle  [194]  had 
let  fall.  God,  who  never  abandons  thofe  that  truft  in  him, 
fuccour'd  us  very  vifibly  on  this  occafion ;  for  we  had  fcarce 
finifh'd  our  Prayers  towards  ten  at  Night,  when  Picard,  who 
heard  the  Noife,  quitted  his  Devotion,  and  ran  to  the  Hooks, 
where  he  found  two  Barbels  hung,  which  were  fo  large,  that 
I  was  forc'd  to  help  him  to  get  them  out  of  the  Water. 
We  did  not  ftand  to  fludy  what  Sauce  we  fhould  make  for 
thefe  monftrous  Fifh,  which  weigh'd  above  twenty  five  pound 
both;  but  having  cut  them  to  pieces,  broil'd  'em  on  the 
Coals.  Boil  them  we  could  not,  our  little  Earthen  Pot  being 
unhappily  broke  fome  time  before. 

When  we  had  fatisfy'd  our  Appetite,  and  return'd  our 
Thanks  to  Him,  whofe  Providence  had  fo  feafonably  reliev'd 
us,  we  heard  a  noife  about  two  in  the  Morning,  upon  the 
Bank  of  the  River  of  Bulls,  where  we  then  were.  After  the 
Who-goes-there?  we  heard  the  Anfwer  was,  Tepatoni  Nika,  and 
the  Word  Nikatiagi;  which  is  as  much  as  to  fay,  Friends,  all 
is  well.  I  told  Picard,  that  by  the  Language  I  believ'd  them 
to  be  Illinois,  or  Outouagamis,  who  are  Enemies  of  the  Iffati, 
or  Nadoueffans.  But  the  Moon  fhining  very  bright,  and 
the  Day  beginning  to  appear,  I  perceiv'd  'twas  the  Savage 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  289 

Mamenifi,  whofe  Infant-Daughter  I  Baptiz'd,  when  Picard 
aflifted  as  Godfather,  or  Witnefs.  He  knew  us  again  pref- 
ently ;  and  being  juft  come  from  Hunting,  where  they  had 
had  plenty  of  Game,  he  gave  us  what  Vidluals  we  pleas'd ; 
and  inform'd  us,  that  all  thofe  of  his  Nation  were  coming 
down  the  River  of  Bulls^  which  difcharges  it  felf  into  the 
Mefchafipi^  having  their  Wives  and  Children  with  them. 

What  he  faid  was  true ;  for  the  Savages,  with  whom 
Michael  Ako  had  ftaid  behind,  were  all  defcending  the  River  of 
Bulls  with  their  Fleet  of  Canow's  well  ftor'd  with  Provifions. 
Aquipaguetin  by  the  way  had  acquainted  thofe  of  his  Nation, 
how  [195]  Picard  and  my  felf  had  expos'd  our  felves  in  our 
Voyage  to  Ouifconfin,  and  what  great  Hazards  we  had  ran. 
The  Chiefs  of  the  Savages  gave  us  to  underftand,  that  they 
were  very  well  fatisii'd  with  what  we  had  done :  But  all  of 
them  reproach'd  Michael  Ako  for  a  Bafe  Fellow,  who  had 
refus'd  to  accompany  us  for  fear  of  being  famifh'd  by  the 
way.  Picard  too,  but  that  I  did  what  I  could  to  hinder  it, 
would  have  us'd  him  ill  before  all  the  Company,  fo  incens'd 
was  he  againft  him,  for  his  want  of  Courage  and  Affedion. 


19 


290  A  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    LXIII. 

The  Savage  Women  hide  their  Provifions  up-and-down  in  private 
Holes.  They  go  down  the  River  again  a  fecond  time.  Addrejs 
of  the  Savages.     Bravery  of  one  of  the  Savages. 

THE  Savage  Women  being  come  to  the  Mouth  of  the 
River  of  Bulls ^  hid  their  Provifions  up-and-down  the  little 
Iflands  that  are  there,  and  in  hollow  Places  under-ground. 
Thefe  People  have  a  way  to  preferve  their  Meat  thus,  without 
Salt,  as  we  fhall  fee  hereafter.  We  fell  down  the  River  a 
fecond  time,  in  company  of  a  multitude  of  Canow's,  of  which 
I  have  already  fpoke.  Hunting  all  the  way  as  we  went,  and 
were  got  a  matter  of  fourfcore  Leagues.  The  Savages  from 
time  to  time  hid  their  Canows  in  the  little  Ifland,  or  in 
the  Reeds  upon  the  Bank  of  the  River,  and  went  feven  or 
eight  Leagues  up  the  Country  into  the  Meadows  beyond  the 
Mountains,  where  at  feveral  times  they  kill'd  between  an 
hundred  and  fixfcore  Cows  and  Bulls.  Whilft  they  are  at 
the  Chafe,  they  always  leave  fome  Old  Men  on  the  top  of 
the  Mountains,  to  fee  if  they  can  difcover  the  Enemy. 

All  this  while  I  had  a  Savage  under  my  Cure,  who  ufually 
call'd  me  Brother:  He  had  run  a  [196]  Thorn  very  deep  into 
his  Foot,  and  I  was  then  putting  a  Plaifter  on  it,  when  on  a 
fudden  the  Alarm  was  taken  in  our  Camp.     Two  hundred 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  291 

Archers  immediately  ran  to  fee  what  was  the  matter ;  and  the 
generous  Savage,  whofe  Foot  I  had  laid  open,  in  order  to  get 
out  the  Thorn,  which  was  very  deep,  fprung  likewife  from  me 
on  a  fudden,  and  ran  as  faft  as  the  beft,  that  he  might  not 
lofe  his  fhare  in  the  Adlion.  But  inftead  of  the  Enemy,  they 
could  fee  nothing  but  about  an  hundred  Stags,  which  were 
running  away  as  faft  as  they  could.  My  poor  Patient  had 
m.uch  ado  to  recover  the  Camp.  All  the  while  the  Alarm 
lafted,  the  Women  and  Maids  kept  finging  in  a  very  fad  and 
melancholy  Tone. 

Plcard  being  gone  to  his  Hoft,  I  was  left  alone  with  one 
Otchimbi;  but  after  the  fecond  Hunting,  I  was  forc'd  to  carry 
an  Old  Woman  with  me  in  my  Canow,  who  was  above  four- 
fcore :  For  all  that,  fhe  help'd  me  to  row,  and  with  her  Oar 
would  now-and-then  pat  two  or  three  little  Children,  that  lay 
and  difturb'd  us  in  the  middle  of  our  Canow.  The  Men  were 
very  kind  to  me  ;  but  for  all  that,  'twas  necefTary  to  make  a 
Court  to  the  Women ;  for  the  Vidluals  were  all  in  their 
Cuftody,  who  deliver'd  every  one  his  Mefs.  This  I  did  by 
fhaving  now-and-then  the  Crowns  of  their  Children's  Heads, 
who  wear  their  Hair  fhorn  not  unlike  our  Monks.  They  let 
it  grow  till  they  are  fifteen,  fixteen,  or  eighteen  Years  old,  as 
well  on  the  top  of  the  Head,  as  elfewhere ;  but  at  that  Age, 
their  Parents  take  it  off,  by  burning  it  with  flat  ftones  made 
red-hot  in  the  Fire :  So  that  the  Women  thought  themfelves 
mightily  beholding  to  me  for  fhaving  their  Children,  becaufe 
I  took  off  the  Hair  without  pain. 

We   had   again   another  Alarm  in  our  Camp  :    The  Old 


292  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Men,  who  had  their  Station  on  the  top  of  the  Mountains, 
fent  to  give  notice  that  they  had  defcry'd  fome  Warriors 
from  afar.  The  Archers  [197]  ran  as  hard  as  they  could 
drive,  towards  the  Place  where  the  Enemy  was  faid  to  appear, 
every  one  endeavouring  to  be  firft  in  the  Adion.  But  after 
all  this  Noife,  they  brought  nothing  back  with  them  but  two 
Women  of  their  own  Nation,  who  were  come  to  acquaint 
them  that  one  of  their  Parties  being  gone  a  Hunting,  to- 
wards the  end  of  the  Upper  Lake,  had  light  upon  five  Spirits, 
by  which  Name  it  is  they  call  the  Europeans.  They  added, 
That  thefe  Spirits  had  talk'd  to  'em,  by  means  of  fome  of 
their  Nation  who  had  feen  us,  and  had  been  Slaves  amongft 
the  Outoiiagamis  and  Iroquefe^  whofe  Language  they  under- 
ftood :  That  they  had  alfo  defir'd  them  to  condu6t  them  to 
the  Place  where  we  were,  becaufe  they  fhould  be  very  glad  to 
know  whether  we  were  Engli/Ii,  Dutch,  Spaniards,  or  Canadians: 
And  farther.  That  they  could  not  imagine  how  we  had  been 
able  to  penetrate  fo  far  up  into  the  Country  amongft  thefe 
People. 

I  muft  obferve  hereupon,  that  there  are  certain  Perfons 
at  Canada,  who  have  got  the  Management  of  all  Affairs 
there  into  their  hands,  as  I  have  elfewhere  faid.  Thefe  People 
being  very  angry,  that  we  had  been  aforehand  with  them  in 
our  Difcoveries,  had  fent  Men  after  us  to  fhare  in  the  Glory 
of  the  A6lion :  For  they  hoped  by  our  Means  to  get  a 
Knowledge  of  the  Nations  which  we  had  feen,  in  order  to 
Trade  thither,  as  foon  as  they  fhould  have  a  Pretence  of 
fending  us  back  to  Europe. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  293 


[198]        CHAP.    LXIV. 

Arrival  of  the  Sieur  Du  Luth  in  our  Camp.  He  defires  us  to 
return  with  him  and  his  Followers  to  the  Country  of  the  Iffati 
and  Nadoueffians.  The  Author  cafl  my  Coverlet  over  a  dead 
Man.     The  Savages  are  pleas' d  at  it. 

THE  28th  of  July,  1680,  we  began  to  afcend  the  River 
Mefchafipi  the  third  time.  The  Savages,  who  had  made 
a  grand  Hunt  with  good  Succefs,  were  refolv'd  to  return 
home  to  their  own  Villages,  and  prefs'd  us  to  go  with  them ; 
promifing  to  condud  us  as  far  as  the  Nations  that  inhabited 
at  the  End  of  the  Upper-Lake  [Lake  Superior].  They  faid 
they  had  a  defign  to  make  an  Alliance  with  thofe  People 
through  our  Means.  The  Sieur  du  Luth^  was  arriv'd  there 
from  Canada,  accompany'd  with  five  Men,  whofe  Equipage 
was  half  Soldier,  half  Merchant. 

They  came  up  to  us  in  company  with  the  two  Savage- 
Women  an  hundred  and  twenty  Leagues,  or  thereabouts, 
from   the    Country   of  the   Barbarians,   that   had   taken    us. 


^  Daniel  Greysolon  du  Luth  (Lhut)  was  especially  prominent  among  Northwestern 
explorers.  An  officer  in  the  army  of  France,  he  came  to  Canada  about  1676  ;  two 
years  later,  he  conducted  a  French  expedition  into  the  Sioux  country,  of  which  he 
took  formal  possession  (1679)  ^o''  France.  He  spent  nearly  ten  years  in  explorations 
(mainly  beyond  Lake  Superior)  and  fur-trading;  he  was  for  a  time  commandant  of 
the  Northwest,    In  1689,  he  had  returned  to  the  St.  Lawrence  ;  he  died  in  1710. —  Ed. 


294  ^  New  Difcovery  of 

They  defir'd  us,  becaufe  we  had  fome  knowledge  of  the  Lan- 
guage of  the  IJfati^  to  accompany  them  back  to  the  Villages 
of  thofe  People.  I  readily  agreed  to  their  requeft,  efpecially 
when  I  underftood  that  they  had  not  receiv'd  the  Sacraments 
in  the  whole  two  Years  and  a  half  that  they  had  been  out 
upon  their  Voyage.  The  Sieur  du  Lutb,  who  pafs'd  for  their 
Captain,  was  overjoy'd  to  fee  me,  and  told  me  as  a  Secret, 
that  thofe  who  had  fent  him,  wou'd  mifs  of  their  aim,  as  he 
wou'd  let  me  know  more  at  leifure.  And  obferving  how  I 
fhav'd  the  Crowns  of  the  Young  Savages,  he  order'd  them 
to  be  told  I  was  his  eldeft  Brother. 

[199]  All  this  made  the  Savages  treat  me  better  than  ever, 
and  furnifh  me  very  plentifully  with  provifions.  I  apply'd 
my  felf  alfo  more  than  ever  to  the  means  of  their  Salvation; 
and  'tis  true  they  hearken'd  to  me  attentively  enough.  But 
then,  to  make  any  progrefs,  one  muft  live  whole  Years 
amongft  them,  they  are  fo  ignorant,  and  grounded  in  Super- 
flition. 

The  Sieur  du  Liith  was  charm'd  at  the  fight  of  the  Fall  of 
St.  Anthony  of  Padua,  which  was  the  Name  we  had  given  it, 
and  in  all  appearance  will  remain  with  it.^  I  alfo  fhew'd  him 
the  craggy  Rock,  where  the  monftrous  Serpent  was  climbing 
up  to  devour   the   young   Swallows  in  their   Nefts ;  and  re- 

^In  the  Louisiane  (p.  200),  Hennepin  makes  the  Falls  of  St.  Anthony  "  forty  or 
fifty  feet  in  height."  Carver  {Travels,  p.  69)  says  that  the  perpendicular  fall  is 
thirty  feet,  with  a  considerable  descent  besides  in  the  lower  rapids  ;  see  the  engraving 
at  p.  70,  representing  the  falls  as  seen  by  him  in  1766.  But  little  now  remains  of  this 
noble  cataract:  the  rock  over  which  it  falls,  a  soft  sandstone,  has  been  gradually 
worn  away  by  the  action  of  the  water  ;  and  the  utilization  of  the  swift  current  for  man- 
ufacturing purposes  has  aided  the  work  of  destruction. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  295 

counted  to  him  the  Horror  that  feiz'd  Picard,  at  the  Image 
his  Fancy  fram'd  of  that  terrible  Animal  in  his  Dream. 

I  muft  here  obferve,  that  feeing  my  felf  at  Liberty  to  fay 
my  Office  after  the  Arrival  of  the  Sieur  du  Ltitb,  to  be  more 
exa6l  in  the  Service,  I  thought  I  wou'd  ask  him  the  Day  of 
the  Month :  He  told  me  as  freely,  he  cou'd  not  fatisfy  me  in 
that  Point,  for  he  had  no  Notion  of  it  left.  Upon  this  I  re- 
counted to  him  the  ill  ufage  which  we  receiv'd  at  the  Hands 
of  the  Barbarians,  at  their  firft  taking  us,  which  proceeded 
many  times  fo  far  as  to  threaten  our  Lives ;  that  therefore 
he  ought  not  to  be  furpriz'd,  if  through  the  Terrors  and 
Apprehenfions  which  I  had  lain  fo  long  under,  I  had  forgot 
even  the  Day  of  the  Week. 

We  arriv'd  at  the  Villages  of  the  IJfati  on  the  i^th  of 
Augiifty  1680,  where  I  found  my  Chalice  very  fafe,  with  the 
Books  and  Papers  which  I  had  hid  under-ground,  in  prefence 
of  the  Savages  themfelves.  Thefe  Wretches  had  never  had  fo 
much  as  a  thought  to  meddle  with  them,  being  fearful  and 
fuperftitious  in  relation  to  Spirits,  and  believing  there  is 
Witchcraft  in  everything  they  cannot  apprehend.  [200]  The 
Tobacco  which  I  planted  before  our  Departure,  was  half 
choak'd  with  Grafs.  But  the  Cabbage,  and  other  things 
which  I  had  fown,  were  of  a  prodigious  growth.  The  Stalks 
of  the  Purflain  were  as  big  as  Reeds :  But  the  Savages  were 
afraid  fo  much  as  to  tafte  them. 

A  little  after  our  return,  the  Savages  invited  us  to  a  great 
Feaft  after  their  own  fafhion.  There  were  above  an  hundred 
and  twenty  Men  at  it  naked.     Ouaficoude,  the  firft  Captain  of 


296  A  New  Difcovery  of 

the  Nation,  and  Kinfman  of  the  Deceas'd,  whofe  dead  Body 
I  cover'd  when  they  brought  him  back  to  the  Village  in  a 
Canow,  brought  me  fome  dry'd  Flefh  and  wild  Oats  in  a 
difli  of  Bark,  which  he  fet  before  me  upon  a  Bull's  Hide, 
whiten'd,  and  garnifh'd  with  Porcupine  Skins  on  the  one  fide, 
and  curl'd  Wooll  on  the  other. 

After  I  had  eat,  this  Chief  put  the  fame  Robe  on  my  Head, 
and  cover'd  my  Face  with  it,  faying  with  a  loud  Voice  before 
all  that  were  prefent.  He  whofe  dead  Body  thou  didft  cover,  covers 
thine  while  alive.  He  has  carry'd  the  Tydings  of  it  to  the  Coun- 
try of  Souls,  (for  thefe  People  believe  the  Tranfmigration  of 
Souls:)  What  thou  didfl  in  refpe5l  of  the  Dead,  is  highly  to  be 
efleem'd :  All  the  Nation  applauds  and  thanks  thee  for  it. 

After  this  he  gently  reproach'd  the  Sieur  du  Luth,  that  he 
did  not  cover  the  Dead,  as  I  had  done.  To  which  the  Sieur 
defir'd  me  to  anfwer.  That  he  never  cover'd  the  Bodies  of  any 
but  fuch  Captains  as  himfelf.  To  which  the  Savage  anfwer'd. 
Father  Louis  (for  fo  he  heard  the  Europeans  call  me)  is  a 
greater  Captain  than  thou:  His  Robe  (fpeaking  of  my  Brocard 
Chafuble,  which  they  had  taken  from  me,  and  was  afterwards 
fent  as  a  Prefent  to  our  Allies  who  liv'd  three  Moons  diftance 
from  this  Country)  was  finer  than  what  thou  wearefl. 

When  thefe  Savages  fpeak  of  a  Journey  of  three  or  more 
Moons,  they  mean  Months.  They  march  well,  and  will  travel 
fifteen  Leagues  a  Day.  By  [201]  which  the  Reader  may 
judge  what  an  extent  of  Ground  they  can  go  in  three  Month. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  297 


CHAP.    LXV. 

The  Author  takes  his  leave  of  the  Savages  to  return  to  Canada. 
A  Savage  is  /Iain  by  his  Chief,  for  advifing  to  kill  us.  Difpute 
between  the  Sieur  du  Luth  and  the  Author^  about  the  Sacrifice 
of  Barbarians. 

TOWARDS  the  end  of  September,  feeing  we  had  no  Tools 
proper  to  build  a  Houfe  to  dwell  in  during  the  Winter, 
amongft  thefe  People ;  and  confidering  that  we  were  deftitute 
of  Provifions  neceffary  to  subfift  there,  as  our  Defign  was  at 
firft  to  have  done,  we  refolv'd  to  let  them  underftand,  that 
to  procure  them  Iron,  and  other  Merchandizes,  which  were 
ufeful  for  them,  'twas  convenient  that  we  fhou'd  return  to 
Canada,  and  that  at  a  certain  time  which  we  fhou'd  agree 
upon  between  us,  they  fhou'd  come  half  the  way  with  their 
Furrs,  and  we  the  other  half  with  our  European  Commodities: 
That  they  might  let  two  of  their  Warriors  go  with  us,  whom 
we  wou'd  carry  into  our  Country,  and  likewife  bring  back 
again  the  next  Year  to  the  place  appointed  for  meeting, 
from  whence  they  might  proceed  to  acquaint  them  of  our 
return,  in  order  to  their  meeting  us  with  their  Effedls. 

Upon  this  they  held  a  great  Council,  to  confider  whether 
they  fhou'd  fend  fome  of  their  Nation  with  us  or  no.  Two 
there  were  who  were  for  it,  and  offer'd  themfelves  to  be  the 


298  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Men :  But  they  alter'd  their  Opinion  the  Day  of  our  Depar- 
ture, alledging  for  a  Reafon,  That  we  were  obliged  to  pafs 
through  many  Nations  who  were  their  fworn  Enemies,  and 
wou'd  be  fure  to  feize  their  Men,  and  take  them  out  of  our 
Hands,  either  to  burn  them,  or  put  them  [202]  otherwife  to 
Death  by  exquifite  Torments,  and  that  without  our  being 
able  to  hinder  it,  being  fo  few  in  Number  as  we  were. 

I  anfwer'd.  That  all  thofe  People,  whom  they  were  afraid 
of,  were  our  Friends  and  Allies,  and  that  in  confideration  of 
us,  they  wou'd  forbear  to  injure  any  of  their  Nation  that  were 
with  us.  Thefe  Barbarians  want  no  Wit ;  on  the  contrary, 
their  Natural  Parts  are  extraordinary.  They  told  us  in  re- 
turn, that  fince  we  were  to  pafs  through  thefe  People,  who 
were  their  fworn  Enemies,  we  fhou'd  do  well  to  deftroy  them, 
at  whofe  Hands  they  had  receiv'd  fo  many  Injuries ;  that  then 
their  Men  fhou'd  go  and  return  with  us  to  fetch  them  Iron,  and 
other  Commodities  which  they  wanted,  and  wou'd  gladly  treat 
with  us  about.  From  whence  we  may  gather,  that  thefe  Bar- 
barians are  full  of  Refentment,  and  Thoughts  of  Revenge, 
Difpofitions  not  altogether  fo  well  prepar'd,  to  receive  the 
meek  Dodrine  of  the  Gofpel. 

In  fine,  Ouaficoiide  their  Chief  Captain,  having  confented 
to  our  Return,  in  a  full  Council,  gave  us  fome  Bufhels  of 
Wild-Oats,  for  our  Subfiftence  by  the  way,  having  firft  regal'd 
us  in  the  beft  manner  he  cou'd,  after  their  fafhion.  We  have 
already  obferv'd,  that  thefe  Oats  are  better  and  more  whol- 
fome  than  Rice.  After  this,  with  a  Pencil,  he  mark'd  down  on 
a  Sheet  of  Paper,  which  I  had  left,  the  Courfe  that  we  were 


a  L.arge  Country  in  America.  299 

to  keep  for  four  hundred  Leagues  together.  In  fhort,  this 
natural  Geographer  defcrib'd  our  Way  fo  exadly,  that  this 
Chart  ferv'd  us  as  well  as  my  Compafs  cou'd  have  done.  For 
by  obferving  it  punctually,  we  arriv'd  at  the  Place  which  we 
defign'd,  without  lofing  our  way  in  the  leaft. 

All  things  being  ready,  we  difpos'd  our  felves  to  depart, 
being  eight  Europeans  of  us  in  all.  We  put  [203]  our  felves 
into  two  Canows,  and  took  our  leaves  of  our  Friends,  with 
a  Volly  of  our  Men's  Fufils,  which  put  them  into  a  terrible 
Fright.  We  fell  down  the  River  of  St.  Francis,  and  then  that 
of  the  Mefchafipi.  Two  of  our  Men,  without  faying  anything, 
had  taken  down  two  Robes  of  Caftor,  from  before  the  Fall 
of  St.  Anthony  of  Padua,  where  the  Barbarians  had  hung  them 
upon  a  Tree  as  a  fort  of  Sacrifice.  Hereupon  arofe  a  Difpute 
between  the  Sieur  du  Luth  and  my  felf.  I  commended  what 
they  had  done,  faying,  The  Barbarians  might  judge  by  it,  that  we 
difapprov'd  their  Superftition.  On  the  contrary,  the  Sieur  du 
Luth  maintain'd.  That  they  ought  to  have  let  the  things  alone 
in  that  place  where  they  were,  for  that  the  Savages  wou'd  not 
fail  to  revenge  the  Affront  which  we  had  put  upon  them  by 
this  Adlion,  and  that  it  was  to  be  fear'd  left  they  fhou'd  pur- 
fue  and  infult  us  by  the  Way. 

I  own  he  had  fome  grounds  for  what  he  faid,  and  that  he 
argu'd  according  to  the  Rules  of  Humane  Prudence.  But 
the  two  Men  anfwer'd  him  bluntly,  that  the  things  fitted  them, 
and  therefore  they  fhou'd  not  trouble  their  Heads  about  the 
Savages,  nor  their  Superftitions.  The  Sieur  du  Luth  fell  into 
fo  violent  a  Paffion  at  thefe  Words,  that  he  had  like  to  have 


300  A  New  Difcovery  of 

ftruck  the  Fellow  that  fpake  them;  but  I  got  between,  and 
reconcil'd  the  Matter :  For  Picard  and  Michael  Ako  began  to 
fide  with  thofe  that  had  taken  away  the  things  in  queftion, 
which  might  have  prov'd  of  ill  confequence.  I  affur'd  the 
Sieur  du  Luth,  that  the  Savages  durft  not  hurt  us,  for  that  I 
was  perfuaded  their  Grand  Captain  Ouaficoude  wou'd  always 
make  our  Caufe  his  own,  and  that  we  might  rely  on  his  Word, 
and  the  great  Credit  he  had  amongft  thofe  of  his  Nation. 
Thus  the  Bufinefs  was  peaceably  made  up,  and  we  failed 
[204]  down  the  River  together  as  good  Friends  as  ever,  hunt- 
ing the  Wild-Beafts  as  we  went. 

When  we  were  got  almoft  as  far  as  the  River  Ouifconfm,  we 
made  a  ftop,  to  fmoak  after  the  manner  of  the  Country,  the 
Flefh  of  the  Bulls  which  we  had  kill'd  by  the  Way.  During 
our  ftay  here,  for  the  Reafon  aforefaid,  three  Savages  of  the 
fame  Nation,  which  we  had  lately  left,  came  up  to  us  in  their 
Canow,  to  acquaint  us  that  their  Grand  Captain  Ouaficoude 
having  learnt  that  another  Chief  of  the  fame  Nation  had  a 
Defign  to  purfue  and  murder  us,  he  came  into  the  Cabin 
where  the  faid  Captain  and  his  Affociates  were  confulting 
about  it,  and  gave  him  a  Blow  on  the  Head  with  fo  much 
Fury,  that  his  Brains  flew  out  upon  thofe  that  were  prefent  at 
the  Confult,  refolving  by  this  means  effedlually  to  prevent 
the  Execution  of  his  pernicious  Defign.  We  regal'd  the 
three  Savages  for  their  good  News  very  nobly,  having  plenty 
of  Provifions  at  that  time. 

The  Sieur  du  Luth,  as  foon  as  the  Savages  were  gone,  fell 
into  as  great  a  Pafiion  as  before,  and  feem'd  very  apprehenfive 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  301 

left  they  fhou'd  ftill  purfue  and  fet  upon  us  In  our  Voyage. 
He  wou'd  have  carri'd  Matters  farther,  but  that  he  found  our 
Men  wou'd  not  bate  him  an  Ace,  and  were  not  in  an  Humour 
to  be  bulli'd.  I  took  upon  me  to  moderate  the  Matter  once 
more,  and  pacifi'd  them  in  the  End,  by  affuring  them  that 
God  wou'd  not  leave  us  in  Diftrefs,  provided  we  put  our 
Truft  in  him,  and  that  he  was  able  to  deliver  us  from  all  our 
Enemies. 


302  A  New  Difcovery  of 


[205]        CHAP.    LXVI. 

The  Sieur  du  Luth  is  in  a  great  Confternation  at  the  Appearance 
of  a  Fleet  of  the  Savages^  who  furprized  us  before  we  were  got 
into  the  River  Ouifconfin. 

THE  Sieur  du  Luth  had  reafon  to  believe  that  the  three 
Savages  but  now  mention'd  were  really  Spies  fent  to 
obferve  our  Adlions ;  for  indeed  they  knew  that  we  had  taken 
away  the  Robes  of  Caftor  from  before  the  Fall  of  St.  Anthony. 
He  cou'd  not  forego  his  Fears,  but  told  me,  we  fhould  ferve 
the  Fellow  that  did  it  but  right,  if  we  fhou'd  force  him  to 
carry  them  back,  and  leave  them  in  the  place  where  he  found 
them.  I  forefaw  Difcord  wou'd  be  our  Deftrudtion,  and  fo 
made  my  felf  Mediator  of  the  Peace  once  more.  I  appeas'd 
the  Fray,  by  remonftrating.  That  God  who  had  preferv'd  us 
hitherto  in  the  greateft  Dangers,  wou'd  have  a  more  peculiar 
Care  of  us  on  this  Occafion,  becaufe  the  Man's  Adlion  was 
good  in  it  felf. 

Two  days  after,  all  our  Provifions  being  drefs'd,  and  fit 
to  keep,  we  prepar'd  to  depart :  But  the  Sieur  du  Luth  was 
mightily  furpriz'd  when  he  perceiv'd  a  Fleet  of  an  hundred 
and  forty  Canows,  carrying  about  an  hundred  and  fifty  Men, 
bearing  down  diredlly  upon  us.    Our  Mens  Confternation  was 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  303 

no  lefs  than  the  Sieur's :  But  when  they  faw  me  take  out  from 
amongft  our  Equipage,  a  Calumet  of  Peace  which  the  Ijfad 
had  given  us  as  a  Pledge  of  their  Friendfhip  and  Protedlion, 
they  took  Heart,  and  told  me  they  wou'd  a6t  as  I  fhou'd 
dired. 

I  order'd  two  of  them  to  embark  with  me  in  a  Canow,  to 
meet  the  Savages:  But  the  Sieur  defir'd  me  to  take  a  third 
to  row,  that  by  (landing  in  the  [106,  f.  ^.  206]  middle  of  the 
Canow,  I  might  the  better  fhow  the  Pipe  of  Peace,  which  I 
carry'd  in  my  hand,  to  appeafe  the  Barbarians,  whofe  Lan- 
guage I  underftood  indifferently  well.  The  other  four  of  our 
Men  I  left  with  the  Sieur  du  Luth,  and  told  them,  in  cafe  any 
of  the  young  Warriors  fhou'd  Land,  and  come  up  to  them, 
they  fhou'd  by  no  means  difcourfe  or  be  famihar  with  them; 
but  that  they  fhould  keep  their  Pofts  with  their  Arms  ready 
fixt.  Having  given  thefe  Orders,  I  went  into  my  Canow,  to 
the  Barbarians  who  were  a  coming  down  the  River  in  theirs. 

Seeing  no  Chief  amongft  them,  I  call'd  out  as  loud  as 
I  cou'd,  Ouaficotide,  Ouaficoude,  repeating  his  Name  feveral 
times.  At  laft  I  perceiv'd  him  rowing  up  towards  me :  All 
this  while  none  of  his  People  had  affronted  us,  which  I 
look'd  upon  as  a  good  Omen.  I  conceal'd  my  Reed  of 
Peace,  the  better  to  let  them  fee  how  much  I  rely'd  upon 
their  Word.  Soon  after  we  landed,  and  entred  the  Cabin 
where  the  Sieur  du  Liith  was,  who  wou'd  have  embrac'd  their 
Captain.  Here  we  muft  obferve,  that  'tis  not  the  Cuftom 
of  the  Savages  to  embrace  after  the  manner  of  the  French. 


304  A  New  Difcovery  of 

I  told  the  Sieur  du  Lutb  that  he  need  only  prefent  him  with 
a  piece  of  the  beft  boyl'd  Meat  that  he  had,  and  that  in  cafe 
he  eat  of  it,  we  were  fafe. 

It  hapned  according  to  our  Wifh ;  all  the  reft  of  the 
Captains  of  this  little  Army  came  to  vifit  us.  It  coft  our 
Folks  nothing  but  a  few  Pipes  of  Martinko-T oh2iCco^  which 
thefe  People  are  paflionately  fond  of,  though  their  own  be 
ftronger,  more  agreeable,  and  of  a  much  better  Scent.  Thus 
the  Barbarians  were  very  civil  to  us,  without  ever  mentioning 
the  Robes  of  Caftor.  The  Chief  Ouaficoiide  advis'd  me  to 
prefent  fome  Pieces  of  Martinico  Tobacco  to  the  Chief  Aqui- 
paguetin,  who  had  adopted  me  for  his  Son.  This  Civility  had 
ftrange  effects  upon  the  [207]  Barbarians,  who  went  off 
ftiouting,  and  repeating  the  Word  Louis^  which,  as  we  faid, 
fignifies  the  Sun :  So  that  I  muft  fay  without  Vanity,  my 
Name  will  be  as  it  were  immortal  amongft  thefe  People,  by 
reafon  of  its  jumping  fo  accidentally  with  that  of  the  Sun. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  305 


CHAP.    LXVII. 

The  Author's  Voyage  from  the  Mouth  of  the  River  Ouifconfin, 
to  the  great  Bay  of  the  Puans. 

THE  Savages  having  left  us  to  go  and  War  upon  the 
MefforiteSy  Mahoras,  Illinois^  and  other  Nations,  which 
inhabit  towards  the  lower  part  of  the  River  Mefchafipi,  and 
are  irreconcilable  Enemies  to  the  People  of  the  North;  the 
Sieur  du  Luth,  who  upon  many  Occafions  approv'd  himfelf 
to  be  much  my  Friend,  cou'd  not  forbear  telling  our  People, 
that  I  had  all  the  reafon  in  the  World  to  believe  that  the 
Viceroy  of  Canada  wou'd  give  me  a  very  kind  Reception,  in 
cafe  we  cou'd  arrive  there  before  Winter  ;  and  that  he  wifh'd 
with  all  his  heart  he  had  been  among  fo  many  different 
Nations  as  my  felf. 

As  we  went  up  the  River  Ouifconfin,  we  found  it  was  as 
large  as  that  of  the  Illinois,  which  is  navigable  for  large 
Veffels  above  an  hundred  Leagues.  We  cou'd  not  fufficiently 
admire  the  Extent  of  thofe  vaft  Countries,  and  the  Charming 
Lands  through  which  we  pafs'd,  which  lye  all  untill'd.  The 
cruel  Wars  which  thefe  Nations  have  one  with  another,  are 
the  caufe  that  they  have  not  People  enough  to  cultivate 
them.    And  the  more  bloody  Wars  which  have  rag'd  fo  long 

in  all  parts  of  Europe,  have  hinder'd  the  fending  Chriftian 
20 


3o6  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Colonies  to  fettle  there.  However,  I  muft  needs  fay,  that 
the  poorer  fort  of  [208]  our  Countrymen  wou'd  do  well  to 
think  of  it,  and  go  and  plant  themfelves  in  this  fine  Country, 
where  for  a  little  Pains  in  tilling  the  Earth,  they  wou'd  live 
happier,  and  fubfift  much  better  than  they  do  here.  I  have 
feen  Lands  there,  which  wou'd  yield  three  Crops  in  a  Year: 
And  the  Air  is  incomparably  more  fweet  and  temperate  than 
in  Holland. 

After  we  had  row'd  about  feventy  Leagues  upon  the 
River  Ouifconfin,  we  came  to  a  Place  where  we  were  forc'd  to 
carry  our  Canow  for  half  a  League,  which  Ouaficoude  had  fet 
down  in  his  Chart.^  We  lay  at  this  place  all  Night,  and  left 
Marks  of  our  having  been  there,  by  the  Croffes  which  we 
cut  on  the  Barks  of  the  Trees.  Next  Day,  having  carri'd 
our  Canows  and  the  reft  of  our  little  Equipage  over  this 
Piece  of  Land,  we  entred  into  a  River,  which  makes  almofl: 
as  many  Meanders  as  that  of  the  Illinois  doth  at  its  Rife : 
For  after  fix  Hours  rowing,  which  we  did  very  faft,  we  found 
our  felves,  notwithftanding  all  the  Pains  we  had  been  at, 
over-againft  the  Place  where  we  embark'd.  One  of  our  Men 
muft  needs  fhoot  at  a  Bird  flying,  which  overfet  his  Canow; 
but  by  good  luck  he  was  within  his  depth. 

We  were  forc'd  to  break  feveral  Sluces  which  the  Caftors 
had  made  for  our  Canows  to  pafs ;  otherwife  we  cou'd  not 

^  The  narrow  portage  between  the  waters  of  the  Fox  and  Wisconsin  Rivers,  at  the 
site  of  the  present  Portage,  Wis.,  which  lies  145  miles  above  the  mouth  of  the  Wis- 
consin. Along  the  old  portage-trail  has  been  cut  a  government  ship-canal,  which 
unites  the  waters  of  the  two  rivers. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  307 

have  continued  our  Way,  or  carri'd  our  things  to  embark 
them  again  above  thefe  Sluces. 

Thefe  Creatures  make  them  with  fo  much  Art,  that  Man 
cannot  equal  it.  We  fhall  fpeak  of  them  in  our  Second  Vol- 
ume. We  found  feveral  of  thefe  Ponds,  or  Stops  of  Water, 
which  thefe  Creatures  make  with  Pieces  of  Wood,  like  a 
Caufey.^ 

After  this  we  pafs'd  over  four  Lakes,  which  are  all  made 
by  this  River.  Here  formerly  dwelt  the  Miatnis;  but  now 
the  Maskoiitens^  Kikapous^  and  Outoagamis^  who  fow  their  Indian 
Wheat  2  here,  on  [209]  which  they  chiefly  fubfift.  We  made 
fome  Broath  of  the  Water  of  a  certain  Fall,  which  they  call 
Kakalin^;  becaufe  the  Savages  come  often  hither  to  eafe 
themfelves,  and  lye  on  their  Backs,  with  their  Faces  expos'd 
to  the  Sun. 

Thus  having  made  more  than  Four  hundred  Leagues  by 
Water  fince  our  departure  from  the  Country  of  the  IJfati 
and  Nadoueffans^  we  arriv'd  at  lafl  at  the  great  Bay  of  the 
Ptians,  which  makes  part  of  the  Lake  of  the  Illinois. 


^  For  valuable  descriptive  and  historical  information  concerning  the  beaver,  see 
Horace  F.  Martin's  Castorologia  (Montreal,  1892). —  Ed. 

2  Indian  corn,  originally  called  by  European  writers  "wheat  of  India,  or  of 
Turkey." — Ed. 

^The  Grand  Kakalin,  or  Kekaling,  the  name  given  to  the  rapids  at  the  present 
Kaukauna,  Wis.,  which,  with  the  portage  around  them,  formed  a  noted  landmark 
on  the  Fox-Wisconsin  trade-route  between  Lake  Michigan  and  the  Mississippi. 
Another  but  smaller  descent  in  the  river  is  the  Little  Kakalin,  above  De  Pere. —  Ed. 


3o8  A  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    LXVIII. 

The  Author  and  his  Company  Jlay  fome  time  amongft  the  Puans. 
The  Original  of  the  Name.  They  celebrated  Mafs  here^  and 
wintered  at  Miffilimakinak. 

WE  found  many  Canadians  in  this  Bay  of  the  Puans. 
The  Nation  that  inhabits  here,  is  fo  call'd,  becaufe 
formerly  they  dwelt  in  certain  Marfhy  Places,  full  of  {linking 
Waters,  fituate  on  the  South-Sea.  But  being  drove  out  thence 
by  their  Enemy,  they  came  and  fettled  in  this  Bay,  which  is 
to  the  Eaft  of  the  Illinois.  The  Canadians  were  come  hither 
to  Trade  with  the  People  of  this  Bay,  contrary  to  an  Order 
of  the  Viceroy.  They  had  ftill  a  little  of  the  Wine  left, 
which  they  brought  with  them,  and  kept  in  a  Pewter  Flagon. 
I  made  ufe  of  it  for  Mafs.  Till  now,  I  had  nothing  but  a 
Chalice,  and  a  Marble  Altar,  which  was  pretty  light,  and 
very  handfomly  engrav'd :  But  here  by  good  Fortune  I  met 
with  the  Sacerdotal  Robes  too.  Some  Illinois  who  had  hap- 
pily efcap'd  their  Enemies  the  Iroquefe^  who  had  attack'd  and 
almoft  deftroy'd  them  fince  my  Voyage,  and  the  time  that  I 
had  been  a  Slave  amongft  the  Barbarians,^  had  brought  with 


^On  September  lo,  1680,  a  large  force  of  Iroquois  appeared  before  the  Illinois 
village  which  La  Salle  and  Hennepin  had  earlier  visited  (see  end  of  chap.  xxix).  Its 
inhabitants  {\ed,  in  fear  of  this  merciless  foe  ;  whereupon  the  Iroquois  destroyed  the 
village,   and,   having  deluded  the  Illinois  by  a  pretended  treaty,   attacked  them, 


a  Large  Country  m  America.  309 

them  the  Ornaments  of  the  Chapel  of  Father  Zenobius  Mam- 
bre,  [210]  whom  we  had  left  among  the  Illinois.  Some  of 
thefe,  I  fay,  who  were  efcap'd  to  the  Place  where  we  were, 
deliver'd  me  up  all  the  Ornaments  of  the  Chapel,  except  the 
Chalice.  They  promis'd  to  get  me  that  too  for  a  little 
Tobacco,  which  I  was  to  give  them ;  and  were  as  good  as 
their  Word,  for  they  brought  it  me  fome  few  Days  after. 

'Twas  more  than  nine  Months  fince  I  had  celebrated  the 
Sacrament  of  the  Mafs,  for  want  of  Wine.  We  might  indeed 
have  done  it  in  our  Voyage,  had  we  had  VefTels  proper  to 
keep  Wine  in:  But  we  cou'd  not  charge  our  Canow  with 
fuch,  being  very  unfit  to  carry  things  of  Burden.  'Tis  true, 
we  met  with  Grapes  in  many  Places  through  which  we  pafs'd, 
and  had  made  fome  Wine  too,  which  we  put  into  Gourds ; 
but  it  fail'd  us  whilft  we  were  among  the  Illinois^  as  I  have 
elfewhere  obferv'd.  As  for  the  reft,  I  had  ftill  fome  Wafers 
by  me,  which  were  as  good  as  ever,  having  been  kept  in  a 
Steel-Box  fhut  very  clofe. 

We  ftay'd  two  Days  at  the  Bay  of  the  Puans ;  where  we 
fung  Te  Deuniy  and  my  felf  faid  Mafs,  and  Preach'd.     Our 


capturing  nearly  all  the  women  and  children  of  the  Tamaroas,  whom  they  tortured  to 
death  with  most  revolting  atrocities.  Tonty  (who  had  vainly  striven  to  pacify  the 
Iroquois)  was  compelled,  with  the  two  Recollet  priests  and  three  other  Frenchmen,  to 
retreat  for  safety  to  Wisconsin.  After  many  hardships,  they  finally  reached  friendly 
Pottawattomies  at  Green  Bay.  On  the  same  day  when  they  left  the  Illinois  village, 
Father  Gabriel  de  la  Ribourde  was  slain  by  some  prowling  savages.  See  Hennepin's 
account  of  these  episodes  (chap.  Ixxiv-Ixxv,  post).  There,  and  in  the  Louis'tane 
(pp.  306-308),  he  accuses  Tonty  of  having  in  panic  fear  abandoned  the  aged  mis- 
sionary—  a  statement  which  is  refuted  by  the  narrative  of  Membre,  who  was  with 
Tonty  at  that  time  ;  see  Shea's  translation  of  Le  Clercq's  Etablissement  de  la  Foy,  ii, 
pp.  145-147.— Ed. 


3IO  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Men  prepar'd  themfelves  for  the  Holy  Sacrament,  which  we 
receiv'd,  in  order  to  render  our  Thanks  to  God,  who  had 
preferv'd  us  amidft  the  many  Dangers  we  had  run,  the  Diffi- 
culties we  had  furmounted,  and  Monfters  we  had  overcome. 

One  of  our  Canow-Men  truck'd  [i.  e.,  traded]  a  Fufil 
with  a  Savage  for  a  Canow  larger  than  our  own,  in  which, 
after  an  hundred  Leagues  rowing,  having  coafted  all  along 
the  great  Bay  of  the  Piians,  we  arriv'd  at  Mijfilimakinaky  in 
the  Lake  of  Huron,  where  we  were  forc'd  to  Winter :  For 
our  Way  lying  ftill  North,  we  (hou'd  infalHbly  have  perifh'd 
amongft  the  Ice  and  Snow,  had  we  proceeded  any  further. 

By  the  Courfe  we  were  oblig'd  to  take,  we  were  ftill 
about  Four  hundred  Leagues  from  Canada.  Amongft  thefe 
People,  I  met,  to  my  no  little  Satisfadion,  [211]  Father 
Pierfon,  a  Jefuit,  who  is  a  Son  of  the  King's  Receiver  for  the 
Town  oiAeth  in  Hainault}  He  was  come  hither  to  learn  their 
Language,  and  fpoke  it  then  paffably  well.  This  Religious, 
who  retain'd  ftill  the  free  and  open  Humour  of  his  Country- 
men, had  made  himfelf  belov'd  by  his  obliging  Behaviour, 
and  feem'd  to  be  an  utter  Enemy  of  Caballing  and  Lntrigues, 
having  a  candid  Spirit,  generous  and  fincere.  In  a  word,  He 
appear'd  to  me  to  be  fuch  as  every  good  Chriftian  ought  to 
be.     The  Reader  may  judge  how  agreeably  I  pafs'd  the  Win- 


^  Philippe  Pierson  came  to  Canada  in  1666;  he  labored  among  the  Hurons  at 
Michillimackinac  from  1673  to  1683,  and,  during  the  next  five  years,  with  the  Sioux 
tribes  west  of  Lake  Superior.     He  died  at  Quebec  in  1688. 

It  will  be  noticed  that,  save  for  this  mention  of  his  compatriot  Pierson,  Hennepin 
does  not  even  mention  the  Jesuit  mission  at  Michillimackinac,  or  that  at  Green 
Bay,  both  of  which  had  entertained  him  as  a  guest. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  3 1 1 

ter  in  fuch  good  Company,  after  the  MIferies  and  Fatigues 
I  had  undergone  hi  the  Courfe  of  our  Difcoveries. 

To  make  the  beft  ufe  of  my  time  that  I  cou'd,  I  Preach'd 
all  the  Holy-days  and  Sundays  in  Advent  and  Lent^  for  the 
Edification  of  our  Men,  and  other  Canadians^  who  were  come 
four  or  five  Leagues  out  of  their  Country,  to  Trade  for 
Furrs  amongft  thefe  Savages :  From  whence  we  may  obferve, 
that  there  are  fome  whom  I  fhall  forbear  to  name,  who  not- 
withftanding  all  their  pretended  Aufterities,  are  yet  no  lefs 
covetous  of  the  Things  of  this  World,  than  the  moft  Secular 
Perfon  in  it.  The  Outtaouatls  and  the  Hurons  wou'd  often 
afiift  at  our  Ceremonies  in  a  Church  cover'd  with  Rufhes  and 
a  few  Boards,  which  the  Canadians  had  built  here :  But  they 
came  more  out  of  Curiofity  than  any  Defign  to  conform 
themfelves  to  the  Rules  of  our  Holy  ReHgion. 

The  latter  of  thefe  Savages  would  tell  us,  fpeaking  of 
our  Difcoveries,  That  themfelves  were  but  Men ;  but  for  us 
Europeans^  we  muft  needs  be  Spirits :  That  if  they  had  gone 
fo  far  up  amongft  ftrange  Nations  as  we  had  done,  they 
fhould  have  been  fure  to  have  been  kill'd  by  them  without 
Mercy ;  whereas  we  pafs'd  every  where  without  danger,  and 
knew  how  to  procure  the  Friendfhip  of  all  we  met. 

During  the  Winter,  we  broke  Holes  in  the  Ice  of  the 
Lake  Huron,  and  by  means  of  feveral  large  [212]  Stones, 
funk  our  Nets  fometimes  twenty,  fometimes  twenty  five 
Fathom  under  Water  to  catch  Filh,  which  we  did  in  great 
abundance.  We  took  Salmon-Trouts,  which  often  weigh'd 
from  forty  to  fifty  pounds.     Thefe  made  our  Indian  Wheat 


312  A  New  Difcovery  of 

go  down  the  better,  which  was  our  ordinary  Diet.  Our 
Beverage  was  nothing  but  Broth  made  of  Whiteings,  which 
we  drank  hot ;  becaufe  as  it  cools  it  turns  to  Jelly,  as  if  it 
had  been  made  of  Veal. 

During  our  flay  here,  Father  Pierfon  and  I  would  often 
divert  our  felves  on  the  Ice,  where  we  skated  on  the  Lake 
as  they  do  in  Holland.  I  had  learn'd  this  Slight  when  I  was 
at  Ghent,  from  whence  to  Bruffels  one  may  run  in  three 
Hours  with  abundance  of  Pleafure  when  the  Canal  is  frozen. 
'Tis  the  ufual  Diverfion  with  which  the  Inhabitants  of  thefe 
two  Cities  entertain  themfelves  during  the  Winter,  by  favour 
of  the  Ice. 

It  muft  be  allow'd,  without  refledling  on  any  other  Order, 
That  thofe  of  St.  Francis  are  very  proper  for  the  fetling  of 
Colonies.  They  make  a  ftridl  Vow  of  Poverty,  and  have  a 
Property  in  nothing  as  their  own :  They  enjoy  only  a  fimple 
Ufe  of  Things  neceffary  to  Life.  Thofe  that  give  us  any 
Moveables,  continue  ftill  to  be  the  owners  of  them,  and  may 
take  them  again  at  pleafure.  'Tis  this  Poverty  which  is 
recommended  to  us  by  many  Popes ;  but  above  all  by  our 
Rule,  which  is  the  only  one  I  find  inferted  in  the  Canon-Law. 

What  pafs'd  at  Mijfilimakinak  during  this  Winter,  is  a 
Proof  of  what  I  fay.  Two  and  forty  Canadians,  who  were 
come  hither  upon  the  account  of  the  Trade  which  they  drive 
here  with  the  Savages,  defir'd  me  to  prefent  them  with  the 
Cord  of  St.  Francis.  I  compli'd  with  their  Requeft ;  and  each 
time  I  deliver'd  a  Cord,  made  a  fmall  Harangue  by  way  of 
Exhortation  to  the  Perfon  receiving  it,  and   then  affociated 


a  L,ar^e  Country  in  America.  313 

him  to  the  Prayers  of  the  Order.  They  [213]  would  have 
kept  me  with  them,  and  made  me  a  Settlement,  where  from 
time  to  time  they  might  have  refort  to  me.  They  promis'd 
me  moreover,  fince  I  would  accept  of  no  Furrs,  that  they 
would  prevail  with  the  Savages  to  furnifh  out  my  Subfiftence 
in  the  beft  manner  which  could  be  expe6ted  for  the  Country. 
But  becaufe  the  greateft  part  of  them  that  made  me  this 
Offer,  Traded  into  thefe  Parts  without  permiffion,  I  gave 
them  to  underftand.  That  the  Common  Good  of  our  Difcov- 
eries,  ought  to  be  preferr'd  before  their  private  Advantages ; 
fo  defir'd  them  to  excufe  me,  and  permit  me  to  return  to 
Canada  for  a  more  Publick  Good. 


SH  ^  New  Difcovery  of 


CHAP.    LXIX. 

The  Author's  Departure  from  MifTilimaklnak.  He  paffes  two 
great  Lakes.  The  taking  of  a  Great  Bear,  Some  Particulars 
relating  to  the  Flefh  of  that  Beafl. 

WE  parted  from  Mijfilimakinak  in  Eafler-Week,  1681,  and 
for  twelve  or  thirteen  Leagues  together,  were  obhg'd 
to  draw  our  Provifions  and  Canow's  after  us  over  the  Tee,  up 
the  Lake  Huron,  the  fides  of  which  continu'd  ftill  froze  five 
or  fix  Leagues  broad.  The  Ice  being  broke,  we  embark'd, 
after  the  Solemnity  of  the  Quafimodo,^  which  we  had  an 
opportunity  to  celebrate,  having  by  good  Fortune  met  with 
a  little  Wine,  which  a  Canadian  had  brought  with  him,  and 
ferv'd  us  all  the  reft  of  our  Voyage.  After  we  had  row'd  a 
hundred  Leagues  all  along  the  fides  of  the  Lake  Huron,  we 
pafs'd  the  Streights,  which  are  thirty  Leagues  through,  and 
the  Lake  of  St.  Claire,  which  is  in  the  middle :  Thence  we 
arriv'd  at  the  Lake  Erie,  or  of  the  Cat,  where  we  ftai'd  fome 
time  to  kill  Sturgeon,  which  come  here  in  great  numbers,  to 
caft  their  Spawn  on  the  [214]  fide  of  the  Lake.  We  took 
nothing  but  the  Belly  of  the  Fifh,  which  is  the  moft  delicious 
part,  and  threw  away  the  reft. 

This  Place  afforded  alfo  plenty  of  Venifon  and  Fowl.    As 

iThe  Sunday  next  aftei  Easter;  also  called  "Low  Sunday"  and  "White  Sun- 
day."—  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  315 

we  were  ftanding  in  the  Lake,  upon  a  large  Point  of  Land 
which  runs  it  felf  very  far  into  the  Water,  we  perceiv'd  a 
Bear  in  it  as  far  as  we  could  fee.  We  could  not  imagine 
how  this  Creature  got  there ;  'twas  very  improbable  that  he 
fhou'd  fwim  from  one  fide  to  t'other,  that  was  thirty  or  forty 
Leagues  over.  It  hapned  to  be  very  calm ;  and  fo  two  of 
our  Men  leaving  us  on  the  Point,  put  off  to  attack  the  Bear, 
that  was  near  a  quarter  of  a  League  out  in  the  Lake.  They 
made  two  Shot  at  him  one  after  another,  otherwife  the  Beafl 
had  certainly  funk  them.  As  foon  as  they  had  fir'd,  they 
were  forc'd  to  fheer  off  as  faff  as  they  could  to  charge  again; 
v/hich  when  they  had  done,  they  return'd  to  the  Attack. 
The  Bear  was  forc'd  to  ftand  it ;  and  it  coft  them  no  lefs 
than  feven  Shot  before  they  could  compafs  him. 

As  they  were  endeavouring  to  get  him  aboard,  they  were 
like  to  have  been  over-fet ;  which  if  they  had,  they  muft  have 
been  infallibly  loft :  All  they  could  do  was  to  faften  him  to 
the  Bar  that  is  in  the  middle  of  the  Canow,  and  fo  drag 
him  on  Shoar ;  which  they  did  at  laft  with  much  ado,  and 
great  hazard  of  their  Lives.  We  had  all  the  leifure  that  was 
requifite  for  the  dreffing  and  ordering  him,  fo  as  to  make 
him  keep  ;  and  in  the  mean  time  took  out  his  Intrails,  and 
having  cleans'd  and  boil'd  them,  eat  heartily  of  them.  Thefe 
are  as  good  a  Difh  as  thofe  of  our  Sucking-Pigs  in  Europe. 
His  Flefh  ferv'd  us  the  reft  of  our  Voyage,  which  we  ufually 
eat  with  lean  Goats-flefh,  becaufe  it  is  too  fat  to  eat  by  it 
felf:  So  that  we  liv'd  for  an  hundred  Leagues  upon  the 
Game  that  v/e  kill'd  in  this  Place. 


3i6  A  New  Difcovery  of 


[215]         CHAP.    LXX. 

The  Meeting  of  the  Author  and  a  certain  Captain  of  the  Out- 
taouads,  nam'd  Talon  by  the  Intendant  of  that  Name,  upon 
the  Lake  of  Erie ;  who  recounts  to  him  many  Adventures  of 
his  Family  and  Nation.  Further  Obfervations  upon  the  Great 
Fall  or  Cataracts  of  Niagara, 

THERE  was  a  certain  Captain  of  the  Outtaoua5ls,  to  whom 
the  Intendant  Talon  ^  gave  his  own  Name,  whilft  he  was 
at  Quebec.  He  us'd  to  come  often  to  that  City  with  thofe  of 
his  Nation,  who  brought  Furrs  thither:  We  were  ftrangely 
furpriz'd  at  the  fight  of  this  Man,  whom  we  found  almoft 
famifh'd,  and  more  Hke  a  Skeleton  than  a  living  Man.  He 
told  us  the  Name  of  Talon  would  be  foon  extindt  in  this 
Country,  fince  he  refolv'd  not  to  furvive  the  Lofs  of  fix  of 
his  Family  who  had  been  ftarved  to  Death.  He  added. 
That  the  Fifhery  and  Chace  had  both  fail'd  this  Year,  which 
was  the  occafion  of  this  fad  Difafler. 

He  told  us  moreover,  That  though  the  Iroquefe  were  not 
in  War  with  his  Nation,  yet  had  they  taken  and  carri'd  into 
Slavery  an  entire  Family  of  Twelve  Souls.     He  begg'd  very 

ijean  Baptiste  Talon  was  intendant  of  Canada  from  1663  to  1675  (except  during 
1668-69).  He  displayed  in  this  office  great  honesty  and  executive  ability,  and 
did  much  to  promote  exploration,  and  the  development  of  the  country's  natural 
resources. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  317 

earneftly  of  me,  that  I  would  ufe  my  utmoft  Endeavours  to 
have  them  releas'd,  if  they  were  yet  alive ;  and  gave  me  two 
Necklaces  of  Black  and  White  Porcelain,  that  I  might  be 
fure  not  to  negle6l  a  Bufinefs  which  he  laid  fo  much  to  heart. 
/  can  rely  upon  thee,  Bare-foot,  (for  fo  they  always  call'd  us) 
and  am  confident  that  the  Iroquefe  will  hearken  to  thy  Reafons 
fooner  than  any  ones.  Thou  didft  often  advife  them  at  their 
Councils,  which  were  held  then  at  the  Fort  of  Katarockoui, 
where  thou  hafl  caus'd  a  great  Cabin  to  be  built.  Had  I  been  at 
my  Village  when  thou  cam'fl  through  it,  I  would  have  done  all 
that  I  could  to  have  kept  [216]  thee,  infiead  of  the  Black  Coat 
(fo  they  call  the  Jefuites)  which  was  there.  When  the  poor 
Captain  had  done  fpeaking,  I  folemnly  promis'd  him  to  ufe 
my  utmoft  Interefb  with  the  Iroquefe,  for  the  releafement  of 
his  Friends. 

After  we  had  row'd  above  an  hundred  and  forty  Leagues 
upon  the  Lake  Erie,  by  reafon  of  the  many  Windings  of  the 
Bays  and  Creeks  which  we  were  forc'd  to  coaft,  we  pafs'd 
by  the  Great  Fall  of  Niagara,  and  fpent  half  a  Day  in  confid- 
ering  the  Wonders  of  that  prodigious  Cafcade. 

I  could  not  conceive  how  it  came  to  pafs,  that  four  great 
Lakes,  the  leaft  of  which  is  400  Leagues  in  compafs,  fhould 
empty  themfelves  one  into  another,  and  then  all  centre  and 
difcharge  themfelves  at  this  Great  Fall,  and  yet  not  drown 
good  part  of  America.  What  is  yet  more  furprizing,  the 
Ground  from  the  Mouth  of  the  Lake  Erie,  down  to  the  Great 
Fall,  appears  almoft  level  and  flat.  'Tis  fcarce  difcernable  that 
there  is  the  leafl:  Rife  or  Fall  for  fix  Leagues  together :  The 


3i8  A  New  D  if  cover y  of 

more  than  ordinary  fwiftnefs  of  the  Stream,  is  the  only  thing 
that  makes  it  be  obferv'd.  And  that  which  makes  it  yet  the 
ftranger  is,  That  for  two  Leagues  together  below  the  Fall, 
towards  the  Lake  Ontario^  or  FrontenaCy  the  Lands  are  as  level 
as  they  are  above  it  towards  the  Lake  of  Erie. 

Our  Surprife  was  ftill  greater,  when  we  obferv'd  there 
were  no  Mountains  within  two  good  Leagues  of  this  Caf- 
cade;  and  yet  the  vaft  quantity  of  Water  which  is  difcharg'd 
by  thefe  four  frefh  Seas,  ftops  or  centers  here,  and  fo  falls 
above  fix  hundred  Foot  down  into  a  Gulph,  which  one  can- 
not look  upon  without  Horror.  Two  other  great  Out-lets, 
or  Falls  of  Water,  which  are  on  the  two  fides  of  a  fmall 
floping  Ifland,  which  is  in  the  midft,  fall  gently  and  without 
noife,  and  fo  glide  away  quietly  enough:  But  when  this  pro- 
digious quantity  of  Water,  of  which  I  fpeak,  comes  to  fall, 
there  is  fuch  a  din,  and  fuch  [217]  a  noife,  that  is  more 
deafning  than  the  loudeft  Thunder. 

The  rebounding  of  thefe  Waters  is  fo  great,  that  a  fort 
of  Cloud  arifes  from  the  Foam  of  it,  which  are  feen  hanging 
over  this  Abyfs  even  at  Noon-day,  when  the  Sun  is  at  its 
heighth.  In  the  midft  of  Summer,  when  the  Weather  is 
hotteft,  they  arife  above  the  talleft  Firrs,  and  other  great 
Trees,  which  grow  in  the  flooping  Ifland  which  make  the  two 
Falls  of  Waters  that  I  fpoke  of. 

I  wifh'd  an  hundred  times  that  fomebody  had  been  with 
us,  who  could  have  defcrib'd  the  Wonders  of  this  prodigious 
frightful  Fall,  fo  as  to  give  the  Reader  a  juft  and  natural  Idea 
of  it,  fuch  as  might  fatisfy  him,  and  create  in  him  an  Admira- 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  319 

tlon  of  this  Prodigy  of  Nature  as  great  as  it  deferves.  In  the 
mean  time,  accept  the  following  Draught,  fuch  as  it  is  ;  in 
which  however  I  have  endeavour'd  to  give  the  curious  Reader 
as  juft  an  Image  of  it  as  I  could. 

We  muft  call  to  mind  what  I  obferv'd  of  it  in  the  begin- 
ning of  my  Voyage,  which  is  to  be  feen  in  the  Seventh  Chap- 
ter of  this  Book.  From  the  Mouth  of  the  Lake  Erie  to  the 
Great  Fall,  are  reckon'd  fix  Leagues,  as  I  have  faid,  which  is 
the  continuation  of  the  Great  River  of  St.  Lawrence^  which 
arifes  out  of  the  four  Lakes  above-mention'd.  The  River, 
you  muft  needs  think,  is  very  rapid  for  thefe  fix  Leagues, 
becaufe  of  the  vaft  Difcharge  of  Waters  which  fall  into  it 
out  of  the  faid  Lakes.  The  Lands,  which  lie  on  both  fides 
of  it  to  the  Eaft  and  Weft,  are  all  level  from  the  Lake  Erie 
to  the  Great  Fall.  Its  Banks  are  not  fteep ;  on  the  contrary, 
the  Water  is  almoft  always  level  with  the  Land.  'Tis  certain, 
that  the  Ground  towards  the  Fall  is  lov/er,  by  the  more  than 
ordinary  fwiftnefs  of  the  Stream ;  and  yet  'tis  not  perceivable 
to  the  Eye  for  the  fix  Leagues  abovefaid. 

After  it  has  run  thus  violently  for  fix  Leagues,  it  [218] 
meets  with  a  fmall  Hoping  Ifland,  about  half  a  quarter  of  a 
League  long,  and  near  three  hundred  Foot  broad,  as  well  as 
one  can  guefs  by  the  Eye  ;  for  it  is  impofiible  to  come  at  it 
in  a  Canow  of  Bark,  the  Waters  run  with  that  force.  The 
Ifle  is  full  of  Cedar  and  Firr ;  but  the  Land  of  it  lies  no 
higher  than  that  on  the  Banks  of  the  River.  It  feems  to  be 
all  level,  even  as  far  as  the  two  great  Cafcades  that  make 
the  Main  Fall. 


320  A  New  Difcovery  of 

The  two  fides  of  the  Channels,  which  are  made  by  the 
Ifle,  and  run  on  both  fides  of  it,  overflow  almofl:  the  very 
Surface  of  the  Earth  of  the  faid  Ifle,  as  well  as  the  Land  that 
lies  on  the  Banks  of  the  River  to  the  Eafl:  and  Wefl;,  as  it 
runs  South  and  North.  But  we  mufl:  obferve,  that  at  the 
end  of  the  Ifle,  on  the  fide  of  the  two  great  Falls,  there  is  a 
flooping  Rock  which  reaches  as  far  as  the  Great  Gulph,  into 
which  the  faid  Waters  fall ;  and  yet  the  Rock  is  not  at  all 
wetted  by  the  two  Cafcades  which  fall  on  both  fides,  becaufe 
the  two  Torrents  which  are  made  by  the  Ifle,  throw  them- 
felves  with  a  prodigious  force,  one  towards  the  Eafl:,  and  the 
other  towards  the  Wefl:,  from  ofi^  the  end  of  the  Ifle,  where 
the  Great  Fall  of  all  is. 

After  then  thefe  two  Torrents  have  thus  run  by  the  two 
fides  of  the  Ifle,  they  eafl:  their  Waters  all  of  a  fudden  down 
into  the  Gulph  by  two  Great  Falls ;  which  Waters  are  pufh'd 
fo  violently  on  by  their  own  Weight,  and  fo  fuftain'd  by  the 
fwiftnefs  of  the  motion,  that  they  don't  wet  the  Rock  in  the 
leaft.  And  here  it  is  that  they  tumble  down  into  an  Abyfs 
above  600  Foot  in  depth. 

The  Waters  that  flow  on  the  fide  of  the  Eafl:,  do  not 
throw  themfelves  with  that  violence  as  thofe  that  fall  on  the 
Weft.  The  reafon  is,  becaufe  the  Rock  at  the  end  of  the 
Ifland,  rifes  fomething  more  on  this  fide,  than  it  does  on  the 
Wefl: ;  and  fo  the  Waters  being  fupported  by  it  fomewhat 
longer  than  [219]  they  are  on  the  other  fide,  are  carry'd  the 
fmoother  ofl^ :  But  on  the  Wefl:  the  Rock  flooping  more,  the 
Waters,  for  want  of  a  Support,  become  the  fooner  broke, 


a  Lai'ge  Countiy  in  America.  321 

and  fall  with  the  greater  precipitation.  Another  reafon  is, 
the  Lands  that  he  on  the  Weft  are  lower  than  thofe  that  lie 
on  the  Eaft.  We  alfo  obferv'd,  that  the  Waters  of  the  Fall, 
that  is  to  the  Weft,  made  a  fort  of  a  fquare  Figure  as  they 
fell,  which  made  a  third  Cafcade,  lefs  than  the  other  two, 
which  fell  betwixt  the  South  and  North. 

And  becaufe  there  is  a  rifing  Ground  which  lies  before 
thofe  two  Cafcades  to  the  North,  the  Gulph  is  much  larger 
there  than  to  the  Eaft.  Moreover,  v/e  muft  obferve,  that 
from  the  rifing  Ground  that  lies  over  againft  the  two  laft 
Falls  which  are  on  the  Weft  of  the  main  Fall,  one  may  go 
down  as  far  as  the  bottom  of  this  terrible  Gulph.  The 
Author  of  this  Difcovery  was  down  there,  the  more  narrowly 
to  obferve  the  Fall  of  thefe  prodigious  Cafcades.  From 
hence  we  could  difcover  a  Spot  of  Ground,  which  lay  under 
the  Fall  of  Water  which  is  to  the  Eaft,  big  enough  for  four 
Coaches  to  drive  a  breaft  without  being  wet ;  but  becaufe  the 
Ground,  which  is  to  the  Eaft  of  the  floping  Rock,  where 
the  firft  Fall  empties  it  felf  into  the  Gulph,  is  very  fteep, 
and  almoft  perpendicular,  'tis  impoffible  for  a  Man  to  get 
down  on  that  fide,  into  the  Place  where  the  four  Coaches 
may  go  a-breaft,  or  to  make  his  way  through  fuch  a  quantity 
of  Water  as  falls  towards  the  Gulph :  So  that  'tis  very  prob- 
able, that  to  this  dry  Place  it  is  that  the  Rattle-Snakes  retire, 
by  certain  Paffages  which  they  find  under  ground. 

From  the  end  then  of  this  Ifland  it  is,  that  thefe  two  Great 

Falls  of  Waters,  as  alfo  the  third  but  now  mention'd,  throw 

themfelves,  after  a  moft  furprizing  manner,  down  into  a  dread- 
21 


322  A  New  Difcovery  of 

ful  Gulph  fix  hundred  Foot  and  more  in  depth.  I  have 
already  faid,  that  the  Waters  which  Difcharge  themfelves  at 
the  [220]  Cafcade  to  the  Eaft,  fall  with  leffer  force;  whereas 
thofe  to  the  Weft  tumble  all  at  once,  making  two  Cafcades; 
one  moderate,  the  other  very  violent  and  ftrong,  which  at  laft 
make  a  kind  of  Crochet,  or  fquare  Figure,  faUing  from  South 
to  North,  and  Weft  to  Eaft.  After  this,  they  rejoin  the 
Waters  of  the  other  Cafcade  that  falls  to  the  Eaft,  and  fo 
tumble  down  altogether,  though  unequally,  into  the  Gulph, 
with  all  the  violence  that  can  be  imagin'd,  from  a  Fall  of  fix 
hundred  Foot,  which  makes  the  moft  Beautiful,  and  at  the 
fame  time  moft  Frightful  Cafcade  in  the  World. 

After  thefe  Waters  have  thus  difcharg'd  themfelves  into 
this  dreadful  Gulph,  they  begin  to  refume  their  Courfe,  and 
continue  the  great  River  of  St.  Lawrence  for  two  Leagues,  as 
far  as  the  three  Mountains  which  are  on  the  Eaft  of  the  River, 
and  the  great  Rock  which  is  on  the  Weft,  and  lifts  it  felf 
three  Fathoms  above  the  Waters,  or  thereabouts.  The  Gulph 
into  which  thefe  Waters  are  difcharg'd,  continues  it  felf  thus 
two  Leagues  together,  between  a  Chain  of  Rocks,  flowing 
with  a  prodigious  Torrent,  which  is  bridled  and  kept  in  by 
the  Rocks  that  lie  on  each  fide  of  the  River. 

Into  this  Gulph  it  is,  that  thefe  feveral  Cafcades  empty 
themfelves,  with  a  violence  equal  to  the  height  from  whence 
they  fall,  and  the  quantity  of  Waters,  which  they  difcharge. 
Hence  arife  thofe  deafning  Sounds,  that  dreadful  roaring  and 
bellowing  of  the  Waters  which  drown  the  loudeft  Thunder, 


a  ILar^e  Country  in  America.  323 

as  alfo  the  perpetual  Mifts  that  hang  over  the  Gulph.  and 
rife  above  the  talleft  Pines  that  are  in  the  little  Ifle  fo  often 
mention'd.  After  a  Channel  is  again  made  at  the  bottom  of 
this  dreadful  Fall  by  the  Chain  of  Rocks,  and  fill'd  by  that 
prodigious  quantity  of  Waters  which  are  continually  falling, 
the  River  of  St.  Lawrence  refumes  its  Courfe :  But  with  that 
violence,  and  his  Waters  beat  againft  the  [221]  Rocks  with  fo 
prodigious  a  force,  that  'tis  impoflible  to  pafs  even  in  a 
Canow  of  Bark,  though  in  one  of  them  a  Man  may  venture 
fafe  enough  upon  the  moft  rapid  Streams,  by  keeping  clofe 
to  the  Shoar. 

Thefe  Rocks,  as  alfo  the  prodigious  Torrent,  laft  for  two 
Leagues ;  that  is,  from  the  great  Fall,  to  the  three  Mountains 
and  great  Rock :  But  then  it  begins  infenfibly  to  abate,  and 
the  Land  to  be  again  almoft  on  a  level  with  the  Water;  and 
fo  it  continues  as  far  as  the  Lake  Ontario^  or  Frontenac. 

When  one  ftands  near  the  Fall,  and  looks  down  Into  this 
moft  dreadful  Gulph,  one  is  feized  with  Horror,  and  the 
Head  turns  round,  fo  that  one  cannot  look  long  or  ftedfaftly 
upon  it.  But  this  vaft  Deluge  beginning  infenfibly  to  abate, 
and  even  to  fall  to  nothing  about  the  three  Mountains,  the 
Waters  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence  begin  to  glide  more  gently 
along,  and  to  be  almoft  upon  a  level  with  the  Lands ;  fo  that 
it  becomes  navigable  again,  as  far  as  the  Lake  Frontenac^ 
over  which  we  pafs  to  come  to  the  New  Canal,  which  Is 
made  by  the  difcharge  of  its  Waters.  Then  we  enter  again 
upon  the  River  St.  Lawrence^  which  not  long  after  makes 


324  A  New  Difcovery  of 

that  which  they  call  the  Long  Fall,  an  hundred  Leagues  from 
Niagara.^ 

I  have  often  heard  talk  of  the  Catarads  of  the  Nile, 
which  make  the  People  deaf  that  live  near  them.  I  know 
not  whether  the  Iroquefe,  who  formerly  inhabited  near  this 
Fall,  and  liv'd  upon  the  Beafts  which  from  time  to  time  are 
born  down  by  the  violence  of  its  Torrent,  withdrev/  them- 
felves  from  its  Neighbourhood,  left  they  fhould  likewife 
become  deaf;  or  out  of  the  continual  fear  they  were  in  of 
Rattle-Snakes,  which  are  very  common  in  this  Place  during 
the  great  Heats,  and  lodge  in  Holes  all  along  the  Rocks  as 
far  as  the  Mountains,  which  lie  two  Leagues  lower. 

Be  it  as  it  will,  thefe  dangerous  Creatures  are  to  [222] 
be  met  with  as  far  as  the  Lake  Frontenac,  on  the  South-fide ; 
but  becaufe  they  are  never  to  be  feen  but  in  the  midft  of 
Summer,  and  then  only  when  the  Heats  are  exceffive,  they 
are  not  fo  afraid  of  them  here  as  elfewhere.  However,  'tis 
reafonable  to  prefume,  that  the  horrid  noife  of  the  Fall,  and 
the  fear  of  thefe  poifonous  Serpents,  might  oblige  the 
Savages  to  feek  out  a  more  commodious  Habitation. 

Having  carry'd  our  Canow  from  the  Great  Fall  of 
Niagara,  as  far  as  the  three  Mountains,  which  are  two 
Leagues  below,  in  all  which  Way  we  perceiv'd  never  a  Snake ; 
we  proceeded  in  our  Voyage,  and  arriv'd  at  the  Lake  of 
Ontario,  or  Frontenac. 

iThe  Long  Sault  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  situated  above  Cornwall,  Ont.,  nearly 
opposite  the  boundary  line  between  New  York  and  Quebec.  Navigation  past  these 
rapids  is  made  practicable  by  the  Cornwall  Canal. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  325 


CHAP.    LXXI. 

The  Author  fets  out  from  the  Fort  which  is  at  the  Mouth  of  the 
River  Niagara,  and  obliges  the  Iroquefe  affembl'd  in  Council^ 
to  deliver  up  the  Slaves  they  had  made  of  the  Outtaouadls. 

WE  met  none  of  the  Savages  In  the  little  Village  of  the 
Iroquefe,  which  is  near  the  Mouth  of  the  River 
Niagara;  for  they  fow  there  but  very  little  Indian  Corn; 
and  inhabit  the  Village  but  in  Harveft-time,  or  in  the  Seafon 
they  go  a  fifhing  for  Sturgeons,  or  Whiteings  which  are 
there  in  great  plenty.  We  thought  alfo  we  fhould  find  fome 
Canadians  at  the  Fort  of  the  River  which  we  had  begun  to 
build,  at  the  beginning  of  our  Difcovery:  But  thefe  Forts 
were  only  built  for  a  Show,  to  cover  the  fecret  Trade  of 
Furrs,  and  countenance  the  great  Hopes  M.  de  la  Salle  had 
given  to  the  French  Court. 

It  muft  be  granted,  that  fuch  Difcoveries  are  beyond  any 
private  Mens  Power,  and  they  muft  be  [223]  countenanc'd 
by  a  Sovereign  Authority,  to  be  fuccefsful.  Therefore  M. 
de  la  Salle  had  got  the  French  Court's  Prote6lion ;  but  inftead 
of  making  a  good  ufe  of  it  for  the  publick  Good,  he  did 
chiefly  aim  at  his  own  private  Intereft,  and  for  that  reafon 
negledled   a   great   many   things    necefl"ary  to   carry   on   his 


326  A  New  Dlfcovery  of 

Enterprizc.  The  Fort  of  the  River  of  Niagara  was  become 
a  deferted  Place,  and  might  have  ferv'd  to  countenance  his 
Defign.  We  came  along  the  Southern  Coafts  of  the  Lake 
Ontario,  or  Frontenac;  and  after  having  failed  thirty  Leagues, 
we  arriv'd  about  TFhitfuntide  in  the  Year  1681,  at  the  great 
Village  of  the  Tfonnontouans  [Senecas]  Iroquefe. 

The  Savages  came  to  meet  us,  repeating  often  this  Word 
Otchitagon,  meaning  by  it,  that  the  Bare-foot  was  return'd 
from  the  great  Voyage  he  had  undertook,  to  vifit  the  Na- 
tions that  are  beyond  the  River  Hohio  and  Mefchafipt;  and 
though  our  Faces  were  burnt  by  the  Sun,  and  my  Clothes 
patch'd  up  with  wild  Bull-Skins,  yet  they  knew  me,  and 
carry'd  me  with  my  two  Men  into  one  of  their  Officer's 
Cottages. 

They  did  call  their  Council,  which  met  to  the  number  of 
Thirty,  or  thereabouts,  wearing  their  Gowns  in  a  ftately 
manner,  made  up  with  all  forts  of  Skins,  tv/ifted  about  their 
Arms,  with  the  Calumet  in  their  Hands.  They  gave  order 
that  we  fhou'd  be  entertain'd  according  to  their  own  Faihion, 
while  they  did  fmoak  without  eating. 

After  we  had  done  eating,  I  told  them  by  a  Canadian 
that  was  my  Interpreter,  that  their  Warriors  had  brought  12 
Outtaoiia^s  as  Slaves,  though  they  were  their  Confederates  and 
Onontio^s  Friends,  ('tis  the  Name  they  give  to  the  Viceroy  of 
Canada)  breaking  thereby  the  Peace,  and  proclaiming  War 
againft  Canada :  And  the  better  to  oblige  them  to  deliver 
up  to  us  the  Outtaoiia5l5,  who  by  good  Fortune  were  ftill  alive. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  327 

we  flung  in  the  middle  of  the  Afl"embly  two  Collars  of  Por- 
celain, that  Captain  [224]  Talon  had  given  us ;  This  is  the 
only  way  among  them,  to  enter  upon  any  Afi^air. 

The  next  day  the  Council  met,  and  the  Iroquefe  anfwer'd 
me  with  fome  other  Collars  of  Porcelain ;  and  told  me.  That 
thofe  who  had  made  thefe  Men  Slaves,  were  young  Warriors 
v/ithout  Confideration ;  That  we  might  affure  Onontio,  (who 
was  then  Count  Frontenac)  that  their  Nation  wou'd  always 
refpedt  him  in  all  things ;  That  they  fhou'd  live  with  him  as 
true  Children  with  their  Father,  and  that  they  wou'd  deliver 
up  the  Men  who  had  been  taken. 

Teganeot,  one  of  the  chiefeft,  who  fpoke  for  the  whole 
Nation  in  the  Council,  prefented  me  with  fome  Skins  of 
Otter,  Martin,  and  Bever,  to  the  value  of  thirty  Crowns.  I 
took  his  Prefent  with  one  Hand,  and  deliver'd  it  with  the 
other  to  his  Son,  whom  he  lov'd  tenderly.  I  told  him.  That 
I  made  him  that  Prefent,  that  he  might  Exchange  it  with 
fome  Merchandizes  of  Europe;  and  that  the  Bare-feet  will 
accept  of  no  Prefent  at  all,  not  out  of  Contempt,  but  be- 
caufe  we  are  difinterefted  in  all  things ;  affuring  him,  I  would 
acquaint  the  Governor  with  his  Friendfhip. 

The  Iroquefe  was  furpriz'd  that  I  did  not  accept  of  his 
Prefent ;  and  feeing  befides,  that  I  gave  a  little  Looking- 
Glafs  to  his  Son,  he  faid  to  thofe  of  his  Nation,  that  the 
other  Canadians  were  not  of  that  Temper :  And  they  fent  us 
feveral  Fowls,  as  an  acknowledgment  of  their  Gratitude  for 
the  care  we  took,  to  teach  their  Children  fome  Prayers  in 


328  A  New  Difcovery  of 

their  own  Tongue.  After  the  Promifes  the  Savages  gave  us 
to  live  in  good  correfpondency  with  us,  we  took  our  leave 
of  them,  and  got  our  felves  ready,  in  order  to  continue  our 
Voyage. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  329 


[225]        CHAP.    LXXII. 

The  Author  Jets   out  from   the  Tfonnontouans   Iroquefe,  and 
comes  to  Fort  Frontenac. 

I  MUST  confefs  it  is  a  great  Pleafure  for  one  to  come  out 
of  Slavery,  or  the  Hands  of  Savages,  and  to  refled  upon 
paft  Miferies ;  efpecially  when  he  returns  among  Friends,  to 
reft  himfelf  after  fo  many  Hardfhips  and  Troubles. 

We  had  ftill  about  Fourfcore  Leagues  to  go  upon  the 
Lake  Ontario^  before  we  cou'd  arrive  at  Fort  Catarokoui,  or 
Frontenac;  but  we  were  all  the  Way  very  merry.  I  had  help'd 
Pkard  du  Gay  and  Michael  Ako^  my  Fellow-Travellers,  with 
fome  Skins,  to  make  amends  for  the  Hardfhip  and  Pains 
they  fuffer'd  in  that  Voyage.  We  had  much  ado  to  row  off 
our  Canow,  it  being  much  bigger  than  that  we  made  ufe  of 
when  we  fet  out  from  the  IJ[ati  and  Nadouejfians ;  but  never- 
thelefs  we  came  in  four  Days  to  the  Fort,  and  kill'd  in  our 
way  fome  Buftards  and  Teals.  We  wanted  then  neither 
Powder  nor  Shot,  and  therefore  we  fhot  at  random  all  that 
we  met,  either  fmall  Birds,  or  Turtles,  and  Wood-Pigeons, 
which  were  then  coming  from  Foreign  Countries  in  fo  great 
Numbers,  that  they  did  appear  in  the  Air  like  Clouds. 

I  obferv'd  upon  this  Occafion,  and  many  other  times 
during   our  Voyage,  a  thing  worthy   of  Admiration:   The 


330  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Birds  that  were  flying  at  the  Head  of  the  others,  keep  often 
back,  to  eafe  and  help  thofe  among  them  that  are  tir'd ; 
which  may  be  a  Leffon  to  Men  to  help  one  another  In  time 
of  need.  Father  Luke  Buijfet,  and  Sergeant  la  Fleur,  who  had 
the  Command  in  the  Fort  in  the  Abfence  of  M.  la  Salle, 
receiv'd  us  in  the  Houfe  of  our  Order,  that  we  had  built 
together. 

[226]  They  were  much  furpriz'd  to  fee  us,  having  been 
told  that  the  Savages  had  hang'd  me  with  St.  Francises  Rope 
two  Years  ago.  All  the  Inhabitants  of  Canada,  and  the 
Savages  that  we  had  encourag'd  to  live  near  Fort  Frontenac, 
to  Till  the  Ground,  made  me  an  extraordinary  Reception, 
and  fhew'd  much  Joy  to  fee  me  again.  The  Savages  put 
their  Hand  upon  their  Mouth,  and  repeated  often  this 
Word,  Otkon,  meaning.  That  the  Bare-foot  muft  be  a  Spirit, 
having  travell'd  fo  far,  through  fo  many  Nations  that  wou'd 
have  kill'd  them,  if  they  had  been  there.  Tho'  we  were 
kindly  us'd  in  this  Fort,  yet  my  Men  had  a  great  Mind  to 
return  into  Canada;  and  having  efcap'd  fo  many  Dangers 
together,  I  was  willing  to  make  an  End  of  the  Voyage  with 
them ;  therefore  we  took  leave  of  Father  Luke  Buijfet,  and  of 
all  our  Friends  that  liv'd  in  that  Fort,  and  went  for  Quebec. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  331 


CHAP.    LXXIII. 

The  Author  fet 5  out  from  Fort  Frontenac,  and  pajfes  over  the  rapid 
Stream^  which  is  caU'd  The  Long  Fall.  He  is  kindly  receiv'd 
at  Montreal  by  Count  Frontenac. 

WE  fet  out  from  the  Fort  fooner  than  I  thought,  not 
being  able  to  keep  any  longer  my  Men,  and  in  our 
Way  took  a  more  exa6l  View  of  the  Mouth  of  the  Lake 
Ontario^  or  Frontenac.  This  Place  is  call'd  Thoufand  IJlands^ 
becaufe  there  are  fo  many  of  them,  that  'tis  impoffible  to  tell 
them.  The  Stream  is  here  very  rapid ;  but  its  Swiftnefs  is 
prodigioufly  increas'd,  by  the  great  Quantity  of  Waters  that 
come  from  the  other  Lakes  abovemention'd,  and  a  great 
many  Rivers  that  run  into  this,  in  the  Place  call'd.  The  Long 
Fall,  which  makes  it  as  dreadful  as  the  great  Fall  of  Niagara. 

[227]  But  befides  this  great  Quantity  of  Waters,  and  the 
Declivity  of  the  Channel,  which  makes  the  Current  fo  rapid, 
there  are  alfo  on  the  Banks,  and  in  the  middle  of  the  River 
of  St.  Laurence,  about  eight  or  Ten  Leagues  below  the  faid 
Lake,  great  Rocks,  which  appear  above  Water,  which  (lop- 
ping the  Stream  of  the  River,  makes  as  great  a  Noife  as  the 
great  Fall  of  Niagara. 

This  dreadful  Encounter  of  Water  that  beats  fo  furioufly 
againfb  thefe  Rocks,  continues  about  two  Leagues,  the  Waters 


332  A  New  Difcovery  of 

fpurt  up  ten  or  twelve  Yards  high,  and  appear  like  huge 
Snow-Balls,  Hail,  and  Rain,  with  dreadful  Thunder,  and  a 
Noife  like  Hiffing  and  Howling  of  Fierce  Beafts :  And  I  do 
certainly  believe,  that  if  a  Man  continued  there  a  confiderable 
time,  he  wou'd  become  Deaf,  without  any  Hope  of  Cure. 

My  Men  refufing  to  carry  by  Land  the  Canow,  and  the 
Skins  they  had  got,  I  was  forc'd  to  adventure  with  them; 
which  I  did  willingly,  having  formerly  pafs'd  thefe  Streams 
in  a  Canow:  I  trufted  my  felf  again  to  the  fame  GOD  who 
had  dehver'd  me  from  fo  many  great  Dangers.  The  Stream 
is  fo  rapid,  that  we  cou'd  not  tell  the  Trees  that  were  on 
the  Bank,  and  yet  there  was  hardly  room  for  our  Canow  to 
pafs  between  the  Rocks.  We  were  carri'd  away  by  thefe 
horrid  Currents  above  two  great  Leagues  in  a  very  fhort 
time ;  and  in  two  Days  we  came  from  Frontenac  to  Montreal^ 
which  are  about  Threefcore  Leagues  diflant  one  from  another. 
Before  our  landing  at  Montreal,  my  Men  delir'd  me  to  leave 
them  with  the  Skins  in  a  neighbouring  Ifland,  to  fave  fome 
Duties,  or  rather  to  keep  off  from  M.  la  Sailers  Creditors, 
who  wou'd  have  feiz'd  the  Commodities  they  had  got  in  their 
long  Voyage  with  me  in  our  great  Difcovery. 

[228]  Count  Frontenac,  who  was  at  Montreal,  looking  out 
of  a  Window,  faw  me  alone  in  a  Canow,  and  took  me  for 
Father  Luke  Fillatre,  one  of  our  Recollects,  who  ferv'd  him  as 
Chaplain.  But  one  of  his  Guards,  knowing  me  again,  went 
to  him,  and  acquainted  him  with  my  coming ;  he  was  fo  kind 
as  to  come  to  meet  me,  and  made  me  the  beft  Reception 
that  a  MifTionary  might  expedl  from  a  Perfon  of  that  Rank 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  333 

and  Quality.  He  thought  I  had  been  murther'd  by  the 
Savages  two  Years  ago.  He  v/as  at  firft  furpriz'd,  thinking 
I  was  fome  other  Recollect  that  came  from  Firginia :  But  at 
laft  he  knew  me,  and  gave  me  a  very  kind  Entertainment. 

This  Lord  did  wonder  to  fee  me  fo  much  alter'd,  being 
lean,  tir'd,  and  tann'd,  having  loft  my  Cloak  that  the  Iffati 
had  ftoll'n  from  me,  being  then  cloath'd  in  an  old  Habit, 
patch'd  up  with  pieces  of  wild  Bulls-Skins.  He  carri'd  me 
to  his  own  Houfe,  where  I  continu'd  for  twelve  Days  to 
refrefh  my  felf.  He  forbad  all  his  Servants  to  give  me  any 
thing  to  eat,  without  his  exprefs  Order,  becaufe  he  was 
afraid  I  fhou'd  fall  fick  if  I  was  left  to  my  own  Difcretion, 
to  eat  as  much  as  I  wou'd  after  fo  long  Hardihips;  and  he 
gave  me  himfelf  what  he  thought  was  beft. 

He  was  much  pleas'd  to  hear  me  talk  of  all  the  Hazards 
1  had  run  in  fo  long  a  Voyage  among  fo  many  different 
Nations.  I  reprefented  to  him  what  great  Advantages  might 
be  got  by  our  Difcovery :  But  having  obferv'd  that  he  was 
always  repeating  the  fame  Queftions  he  ask'd  me  the  firft 
Day  I  was  with  him,  I  told  him  I  had  acquainted  him  with 
what  I  knew;  and  that  I  did  not  queftion  but  M.  la  Salle, 
who  was  to  go  to  the  Court  of  France  about  his  Affairs,  had 
acquainted  him  with  all  the  Particulars  of  our  Voyage,  having 
been  in  our  Company  till  he  was  forc'd  to  leave  us  to  return 
into  Canada. 

[229]  I  knew  that  M.  la  Salle  was  a  Man  that  wou'd 
never  forgive  me,  if  I  had  told  all  that  I  knew  of  our  Voy- 
age ;  therefore   I  kept  fecret  the  whole  Difcovery  we  had 


334  A  New  Difcovery  of 

made  of  the  River  Mejchafipi.  My  Men  were  as  much  con- 
cern'd  as  I,  in  concealing  our  Voyage  ;  for  they  had  been 
certainly  punifh'd  for  having  undertaken  it  againft  Orders ; 
and  the  Skins  they  had  got  in  their  return  from  the  Iffati 
with  M.  du  Ltitb,  who  did  ftay  for  that  reafon  among  the 
OuttaouaEls^  had  likewife  been  confifcated.^ 

Count  Frontenac  fhew'd  me  in  private  a  Letter  M.  du  Luth 
had  fent  him  by  a  Huron^  who  liv'd  in  the  Neighbourhood  of 
the  OuttaouaSlSy  by  which  he  acquainted  him,  he  cou'd  never 
learn  any  thing  about  our  Voyage,  neither  from  me,  nor  from 
the  Men  who  attended  me.  I  cou'd  not  forbear  then  to  tell 
him,  that  M.  du  Luth  was  not  fo  much  devoted  to  his  Service 
as  he  thought ;  and  that  I  might  affure  him  that  fome  Men 
that  were  his  Opponents,  had  ftopp'd  M.  du  Luth's  Mouth; 
and  that  I  was  fully  perfuaded  he  had  been  fent  by  them 
with  a  fecret  Order,  to  pump  me ;  but  I  was  bound  by  my 
Charadler,  and  in  Charity,  to  fpare  thofe  Men,  tho'  on  many 
Occafions  they  had  not  dealt  fo  juftly  with  me ;  but  I  was 
willing  to  leave  all  to  God,  who  will  render  to  every  one  accord- 
ing to  his  Works. 

Francis  de  Laval,  the  firft  Lord  Bifhop  of  Quebec,  came 
along  the  River  St.  Laurence,  to  make  his  Vifitation,  while  I 


^  All  these  statements  refer  to  the  restrictions  imposed  on  the  colonists  of  Canada 
in  the  fur  trade,  —  which  was  a  monopoly,  granted  successively  to  various  commer- 
cial companies,  —  and  the  consequent  illegal  traffic  carried  on  by  them.  Du  Luth  and 
many  others  of  his  class  were  known  as  coureurs  de  bois  ("  wood-rangers  ");  they 
traded  with  the  Indians  for  peltries,  which  they  shipped  to  the  English  and  Dutch  at 
Albany  as  well  as  to  the  French  at  Montreal,  and  remained  in  the  wilderness,  outside 
the  reach  of  Canadian  officials  —  who  were  often  accused  of  collusion,  and  even  of 
private  partnership,  with  the  coureurs  de  bois. —  Ed, 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  335 

was  coming  to  Quebec  with  the  Lord  Frontenac.  We  met  him 
near  Fort  Cbampkin,^  which  had  been  fortifi'd,  to  put  a  Stop 
to  the  Inroads  of  the  Iroquefe :  The  Lord  Frontenac  ask'd 
me,  if  I  had  got  an  Ague ;  and  then  looking  upon  thofe  that 
attended  him,  he  faid,  that  the  feeling  of  the  Pulfe  increas'd 
the  Fever ;  infinuating  to  me  thereby,  that  there  was  a  Defign 
laid  againft  me,  to  get  out  cunningly  what  I  kept  fecret  in 
my  Heart. 

[230]  After  a  fhort  Converfation  with  the  Bifhop,  I  ask'd 
his  Epifcopal  Bleffing,  tho'  I  did  not  think  fit  to  reveal  to 
him  all  that  I  knew  of  our  Difcoveries.  We  were  going  to 
difcourfe  more  largely  upon  this  Subjedl,  when  the  Lord 
Frontenac  came  in,  to  invite  the  Bifhop  to  Dine  with  him, 
and  thereby  to  give  me  an  opportunity  to  put  an  end  to 
our  Converfation. 

I  was  much  puzzl'd  in  the  Company  of  thefe  two  Great 
Men,  the  Bifhop  was  the  Chief  of  the  Company  ;  but  I  was 
yet  to  pay  a  great  Refped  to  the  Lord  Frontenac.  I  did 
avoid  talking  of  Matters  that  might  be  troublefome  to  me ; 
and  I  told  the  Bifhop,  that  the  Lord  Frontenac  had  prefcrib'd 
me  a  Courfe  of  Diet,  left  I  fliou'd  fall  fick,  after  all  the  Hard- 
fhips  I  had  endur'd,  and  the  bad  Food  I  fed  upon  among  the 
Savages ;  therefore  I  defir'd  him  to  give  me  leave  to  return 
to  Quebec,  that  I  might  live  there  in  private ;  for  I  was  not 
able  then  to  Catechife  the  Children,  nor  to  perform  any 
Fundions  of  a  Miffionary  in  his  Vifitation ;  and  that  I  wanted 

1  Apparently  a  reference  to  Fort  Ste.  Anne,  which  was  built  about  1666  at  the 
entrance  to  Lake  Champlain,  by  La  Mothe,  afterward  La  Salle's  lieutenant. —  Ed. 


33^  A  New  Difcovery  of 

fome  Reft,  that  I  might  work  more  vigoroufly  afterwards. 
By  thefe  Means  I  avoided  a  Converfation  with  the  Bifhop, 
that  wou'd  have  prov'd  very  troublefome,  to  me ;  for  he 
gave  me  leave  to  retire  to  our  Monaftery,  to  reft  there  after 
all  my  Fatigues. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  337 


[231]        CHAP.    LXXIV. 

A  great  Defeat  of  the  Illinois,  that  were  attacked  and  furpriz'd  by 
the  Iroquefe. 

WHILE  I  was  refting  after  my  great  Labours,  the  Lord 
Frontenac  did  receive  Letters  from  Father  Zenobe 
Mambre,  whom  I  left  among  the  Illinois.  He  fent  him  Word, 
that  the  Iroquefe  had  drawn  the  Miamis  into  their  Party ;  and 
that  being  join'd  together,  they  had  form'd  a  great  Army, 
and  were  fall'n  on  a  fudden  upon  the  Illinois^  to  deftroy  that 
Nation ;  and  that  they  were  got  together  to  the  number  of 
Nine  hundred,  all  Fufiliers ;  thefe  two  Nations  being  well 
provided  with  Guns,  and  all  fort  of  Ammunitions  of  War, 
by  the  Commerce  they  have  with  the  Europeans. 

The  h'oquefe  were  projecting  this  Enterprize  about  the 
12*^  of  September^  1680,  while  I  was  about  the  Difcovery  of 
the  River  Mefchafipi.  The  Illinois  did  not  miftruft  them ;  for 
they  had  concluded  a  Treaty  of  Peace  with  thefe  two  Na- 
tions ;  and  M.  la  Salle  had  affur'd  them,  that  he  wou'd  do 
his  utmoft  Endeavours  to  oblige  them  to  obferve  the  Treaty; 
therefore  the  Illinois  were  eafily  furpriz'd,  having  fent  moft 
part  of  their  Youth  to  make  War  in  another  Country. 

A  Chaouanon,  Confederate  to  the  Illinois^  returning  from 

their  Country  home,  came  back  again,  to  give  them  notice 

22 


33^  A  New  Difcovery  of 

that  he  had  difcover'd  an  Army  of  Iroquefe  and  Miamis,  who 
were  already  enter'd  Into  their  Country  on  purpofe  to  fur- 
prize  them. 

This  News  frighted  the  Illinois;  yet  the  next  Day  they 
appear'd  In  the  Field,  and  march'd  direftly  to  the  Enemy; 
and  as  foon  as  they  were  In  fight,  they  charg'd  them.  The 
Fight  was  very  fharp,  [232]  and  a  great  many  Men  were 
klU'd  on  both  fides. 

M.  Tonti,  whom  M.  la  Salle  had  left  in  the  Fort  of 
Crevec(xur^  to  command  there  In  his  Abfence,  hearing  of  this 
Irruption,  was  In  fear  for  the  Illinois^s  fake;  for  though  their 
Army  was  more  numerous  than  that  of  their  Enemy,  yet  they 
had  no  Guns ;  therefore  he  oflFer'd  himfelf  to  go  Askenon,  that 
Is  Mediator,  carrying  the  Calumet  of  Peace  In  his  Hand,  In 
order  to  bring  them  to  an  Agreement. 

The  Iroquefe  finding  more  refiftance  than  they  thought  at 
firft,  and  feeing  that  the  Illinois  were  refolv'd  to  continue  the 
War,  confented  to  a  Treaty  of  Peace,  accepting  Mr.  Tonti'' s 
Mediation,  and  hearken'd  to  the  Propofals  he  made  them 
from  the  Illinois^  who  had  chofen  him  for  Mediator. 

M.  Tonti  reprefented  to  them,  that  the  Illinois  were 
Onontio's  ('tis  the  Name  they  give  to  the  Viceroy  of  Canada) 
Children  and  Confederates  as  well  as  themfelves ;  and  that 
It  wou'd  be  very  unpleafant  to  him,  v/ho  lov'd  them  all,  to 
hear  that  they  had  begun  the  War;  therefore  he  earneftly 
intreated  them  to  return  home,  and  trouble  the  Illinois  no 
further,  feeing  they  had  religioufiy  obferv'd  the  Treaty  of 
Peace. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  339 

Thefe  Propofals  did  not  pleafe  fome  of  the  young  Iroquefe^ 
who  had  a  great  mind  to  fight,  and  therefore  charg'd  on  a 
fudden  M.  Tonti  and  his  Men  with  feveral  Shots ;  and  a 
defperate  young  Fellow  of  the  Country  of  Onnontaghey  gave 
him  a  Wound  with  a  Knife,  near  the  Heart;  but  by  chance 
a  Rib  warded  off  the  Stroke:  Several  others  did  fall  upon 
him,  and  wou'd  take  him  away ;  but  one  taking  notice  of  his 
Hat,  and  that  his  Ears  were  not  bor'd,  knew  thereby  that 
he  was  not  an  Illinois,  and  for  that  reafon  an  old  Man  cry'd 
out,  That  they  fhou'd  [233]  fpare  him;  and  flung  to  him  a 
Collar  of  Porcelain,  meaning  thereby  to  make  him  Satif- 
fadlion  for  the  Blood  he  had  loft,  and  the  Wound  he  had 
receiv'd. 

A  young  Man  of  the  Iroquefe's  Crew,  took  M.  Tonti^s 
Hat,  and  hung  it  on  his  Gun,  to  fright  the  Illinois  therewith; 
who  thinking  by  that  Signal  that  Tonti,  Father  Zenobe,  and 
all  the  Europeans  that  were  in  his  Company,  had  been  kill'd 
by  the  Iroqtiefe,  were  fo  much  furpriz'd  and  difquieted  with 
that  horrid  Attempt,  that  they  fanci'd  themfelves  deliver'd 
up  into  the  Hands  of  their  Enemies,  and  were  upon  running 
away :  Yet  the  Iroquefe  having  made  a  Signal  to  Father  Zenobe 
to  draw  near,  that  they  might  confer  with  him  about  the 
means  to  prevent  both  Armies  to  come  to  fight,  they  receiv'd 
the  Calumet  of  Peace,  and  made  a  Motion  as  if  they  had  a 
mind  to  withdraw :  But  the  Illinois  were  hardly  come  to  their 
Village,  before  that  they  faw  the  Iroquefe's  Army  appearing 
upon  fome  Hills,  which  were  over-againft  them. 

This  Motion  oblig'd  Father  Zenobe,  at  the  Illinois^  Re- 


340  A  New  Difcovery  of 

queft,  to  go  to  them  to  know  the  reafon  of  a  Proceeding  fo 
contrary  to  what  they  had  done  in  accepting  of  the  Calumet 
of  Peace.  But  that  Embaffy  did  not  pleafe  thofe  Barbarians, 
who  wou'd  not  lofe  fo  fair  an  Opportunity.  Father  Zenobe 
did  run  the  hazard  of  being  murther'd  by  thefe  unmerciful 
Men;  yet  the  fame  God  who  had  preferv'd  many  of  our 
Fellow-Miffionaries  in  the  like  Encounters,  and  my  felf  in  this 
Difcovery,  kept  him  from  the  Hand  of  thefe  furious  Men. 
He  was  a  Man  of  a  fhort  Stature,  but  very  couragious, 
and  went  boldly  among  the  Iroquefe,  who  receiv'd  him  very 
civilly. 

They  told  him,  that  the  Want  they  were  reduc'd  to,  had 
forc'd  them  to  this  new  Step,  having  no  Provifions  for  their 
Army,  and  their  great  Number  having  driven  away  the  Wild- 
Bulls  from  that  Country.  [234]  Father  Zenobe  brought  their 
Anfwer  to  the  Illinois^  who  prefently  fent  them  fome  Indian 
Corn,  and  all  things  necelTary  for  their  Subfiftence,  and 
propos'd  to  them  a  Treaty  of  Commerce,  having  in  that 
Country  a  great  plenty  of  Beaver's  Skins  and  other  Furrs. 

The  Iroquefe  accepted  of  thefe  Propofals ;  they  did  ex- 
change Hoftages,  and  Father  Zenobe  went  into  their  Camp, 
and  did  lie  there,  to  lofe  no  time  to  bring  all  Matters  to  an 
Agreement,  and  conclude  a  Treaty  between  them.  But  the 
Iroquefe  repairing  in  great  Numbers  into  the  Quarters  of  the 
Illinois^  who  fufpedled  no  ill  Defign,  they  advanc'd  as  far  as 
their  Village,  where  they  wafted  the  MaufoUums  that  they  us'd 
to  raife  to  their  Dead,  which  are  commonly  feven  or  eight 
Foot  high:     They  fpoil'd  the   Indian  Corn   that  was  fown; 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  341 

and  having  deceiv'd  the  Illinois,  under  a  falfe  pretence  of 
Peace,  fortlfi'd  themfelves  In  their  Village. 

In  this  Confufion  the  Iroquefe  joln'd  with  the  Miamis, 
carri'd  away  eight  hundred  Illinois  Women  and  Children ; 
and  their  Fury  went  fo  far,  that  thefe  Antropophages  did  eat 
fome  Old  Men  of  that  Nation,  and  burnt  fome  others  who 
were  not  able  to  follow  them,  and  fo  return'd  with  the  Slaves 
they  had  made,  to  their  own  Habitations,  which  were  four 
hundred  Leagues  off  the  Country  they  had  fo  cruelly 
plunder'd. 

Upon  the  firft  News  of  the  Approach  of  the  h-oquefe,  the 
Illinois  had  fent  moft  part  of  their  Families  to  the  other  fide 
of  a  little  Hill,  to  fecure  them  from  their  Fury,  and  that  they 
might  get  over  the  River  Mefchafipi ;  and  the  others  that 
were  fit  for  War,  did  flock  together  on  the  Tops  of  the 
Hills  that  were  near  their  Habitations,  and  then  went  to 
the  other  fide  of  the  River,  to  look  after  their  Families, 
and  provide  for  their  Subfiftence. 

[235]  After  this  perfidious  Expedition,  thefe  Barbarians 
wou'd  fain  alledge  fome  Pretences  to  excufe  their  Treachery, 
and  wou'd  perfuade  our  Fathers  to  retire  from  the  Illinois'' s 
Country,  fince  they  were  all  fled  away;  and  that  there  was 
no  likelihood  they  fhou'd  want  them  for  the  future  to  teach 
them  their  Prayers,  as  the  Atfientatfi^  or  the  Black-Gowns  do 
in  their  Countries,  meaning  the  Jefults  whom  they  call  by 
that  Name.  They  told  Fathers  Gabriel  and  Zenobe,  that  they 
fhould  do  better  to  return  Into  Canada,  and  that  they  would 
attempt  nothing  againft  the  Life  of  the  Children  of  Onontio, 


342  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Governor  of  Canada^  defiring  to  have  a  Letter  under  their 
Hand,  to  fhew  it  as  a  Teftimony  of  their  honeft  proceeding 
in  this  occafion,  and  affuring  them  that  they  would  no  more 
ftand  by  their  Enemies. 

Our  two  Fathers  being  fo  forfaken  by  their  Hofls,  and 
finding  themfelves  expos'd  to  the  Fury  of  a  Cruel  and  Vi6to- 
rious  Enemy,  refolv'd  to  return  home,  according  to  the 
Iroquefe  Advice ;  and  being  fuppli'd  by  them  with  a  Canow, 
they  embark'd  for  Canada} 


^This  action  was  taken  by  mutual  consent  of  not  only  the  two  priests,  but  of 
Tonty  and  the  three  other  Frenchmen  who  accompanied  him  ;  see  Membre's  account 
(Shea's  translation  of  Le  Clercq,  ii,  p.  145). —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  343 


CHAP.    LXXVII    [/.^.,LXXV]. 

The  Savages  Kikapoux  murther  Father  Gabriel  de  la  Ribourde, 
a  Recoiled  Mijfionary. 

GOD  has  given  me  the  Grace  to  be  Infenfible  of  the 
Wrong  I  have  fuffer'd  from  my  Enemies,  and  to  be 
thankful  for  the  Kindneffes  I  have  receiv'd  from  my  Friends. 
But  if  ever  I  had  reafon  to  be  thankful  to  thofe  that  have 
taken  care  of  my  Inftrudlion,  certainly  I  muft  confefs  it  was 
to  this  Good  Father  Gabriel^  who  was  my  Mailer  during  my 
Novitiate  in  the  Monaftery  of  our  Order  at  Bethune,  in  the 
Province  of  Artois ;  therefore  I  [236]  think,  that  I  am  bound 
in  Duty  to  mention  fo  Honeft  a  Man  in  this  Relation  of  my 
Difcovery,  efpecially  having  had  fo  fad  a  Share  therein,  as  to 
be  murder'd  by  the  Savages  Kikapoux^  as  I  will  relate  it. 

It  muft  be  obferv'd,  That  M.  Tonti  could  ftay  no  longer 
at  Fort  Crevec(£iir^  after  the  Illinois  Defeat  ^ ;  therefore  he 
defir'd  Fathers  Gabriel  and  Zenobe  to  get,  with  two  young 
Boys  that  were  left  there,  into  a  Canow,  and  return  into 
Canada.  All  the  reft  of  the  Inhabitants  had  deferted  that 
Country  fince  that  unfortunate  Accident,  by  the  Suggeftion 


^This  must  be  an  oversight  on  Hennepin's  part  ;  for  Fort  Crevecoeur  had  been 
plundered  and  deserted  in  March  of  that  same  year,  by  the  French  who  had  been 
left  by  La  Salle  as  its  garrison.  Tonty  was  in  the  Illinois  village  near  Utica,  at  the 
time  of  its  destruction  by  the  Iroquois. —  Ed. 


344  A  New  Difcovery  of 

of  fome  Men  of  Canada^  who  were  the  Predominant  Genius 
of  the  Country,  who  had  flatter'd  them  with  great  Hopes,  to 
oblige  them  to  forfake  NL.  de  la  Salle's  Defign. 

Our  faid  Fathers  being  fo  forc'd  to  leave  that  Country 
after  fuch  a  Defeat,  embark'd  the  i8th  of  September  following, 
wanting  all  forts  of  Provifions,  except  what  they  could  kill 
with  their  Guns ;  but  being  arriv'd  about  eight  Leagues 
from  the  Illinois,  their  Canow  touching  upon  a  Rock,  let  in 
Water,  and  fo  were  forc'd  to  land  about  Noon  to  mend  it. 

While  they  were  about  careening  the  fame,  Father  Gabriel, 
charm'd  with  the  fine  Meadows,  the  little  Hills,  and  the 
pleafant  Groves  in  that  Country,  which  are  difpers'd  at  fuch 
diftances,  that  they  look  as  if  they  had  been  planted  on  pur- 
pofe  to  adorn  the  Country,  went  fo  far  into  thofe  Woods,  that 
he  loft  his  Way.  At  Night  Father  Zenobe  went  to  look  after 
him,  as  alfo  the  reft  of  the  Company ;  for  he  was  generally 
lov'd  by  all  that  knew  him.  But  M.  Tonti  was  fuddenly 
feiz'd  with  panick  Fears,  thinking  that  every  moment  the 
Iroquefe  wou'd  fall  upon  him :  So  that  he  fent  for  Father 
Zenobe,  and  forc'd  all  his  Men  to  retire  into  the  Canow,  and 
fo  got  over  the  River  on  the  Illinois-fidQ,  and  left  [237]  the 
Old  Father  expos'd  to  the  Barbarians  Infults,  without  any 
refpe6l  to  his  Age,  or  to  his  Perfonal  Merits. 

'Tis  true,  that  in  the  Evening  one  of  the  Young  Men 
that  were  in  the  Canow  with  Father  Zenobe,  fir'd  a  Gun  by 
M.  Tonti's  Order,  and  lighted  a  great  Fire;  but  all  was  in 
vain. 

The  next  Day,  M.  Tonti  feeing  he  had  behav'd  himfelf 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  345 

cowardly  on  this  occafion,  went  back  again  by  break  of  Day 
to  the  Place  where  we  had  left  the  Day  before  Father 
Gabriel^  and  continu'd  there  till  Noon  looking  after  the  poor 
Chriftian.  But  though  fome  of  his  Men  enter'd  into  the 
Groves,  where  they  faw  the  frefh  Steps  of  a  Man,  which 
were  alfo  printed  in  the  Meadows  along  the  Bank  of  the 
River,  they  could  never  hear  of  him.  M.  Tonti  faid  fince,  to 
excufe  himfelf  for  having  fo  bafely  forfaken  Father  Gabriel, 
That  he  thought  the  Iroquefe  had  laid  an  Ambufcade  to 
furprize  him ;  for  they  had  feen  him  flying  away,  and  they 
might  fancy  he  had  declar'd  himfelf  for  the  Illinois. 

But  M.  Tonti  might  have  remember'd  he  had  given  his 
Letters  for  Canada  to  thefe  Iroquefe;  and  that  if  they  had 
form'd  any  Defign  upon  his  Life,  they  would  have  executed 
it  when  he  was  among  them :  But  they  were  fo  far  from  it, 
that  when  he  was  wounded,  they  prefented  him  with  a  Collar 
of  Porcelain ;  which  they  never  do  but  when  fome  unlucky 
Accidents  happen.  The  Savages  don't  ufe  fo  much  cir- 
cumfpe6lion ;  and  therefore  this  Excufe  is  groundlefs  and 
frivolous.  Father  Zenobe  has  left  us  in  Writing,  That  he 
would  ftay  for  Father  Gabriel:  But  M.  Tonti  forc'd  him  to 
embark  at  Three  a  Clock  in  the  Afternoon ;  faying.  That 
certainly  he  had  been  kill'd  by  the  Enemies,  or  elfe  he  was 
gone  a-foot  along  the  Banks  of  the  River;  and  that  they 
would  fee  him  in  their  way.  However,  they  could  hear  [238J 
nothing  of  him ;  and  the  farther  they  went,  the  greater 
Father  Zenobe\  AfHidtions  grew.  They  were  then  in  fuch  a 
want  of  Provifions,  that  they  had  nothing  to  feed  upon  but 


34^  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Potatoes,  Wild  Garlick,  and  fome  fmall  Roots  they  had 
fcratch'd  out  of  the  Ground  with  their  own  Fingers. 

We  have  heard  fince,  that  Father  Gabriel  had  been  kill'd 
a  little  while  after  his  landing.  The  Nation  of  the  Kikapoux, 
who,  as  one  may  fee  in  our  Map,  inhabit  to  the  Weftward  of 
the  Bay  of  Puans,  had  fent  their  Youth  to  make  War  againft 
the  Iroquefe ;  but  hearing  that  thefe  Barbarians  were  got  into 
the  Country  of  the  Illinois^  they  went  feeking  about  to 
furprize  them.  Three  Kikapoux,  making  the  Vanguard,  met 
with  Father  Gabriel,  and  came  up  to  him  as  near  as  they 
could,  hiding  themfelves  among  the  Grafs,  which  is  very 
high  in  that  Country ;  and  though  they  knew  he  was  not  an 
Iroquefe,  yet  they  knock'd  him  down  with  their  Clubs,  call'd 
Head-breakers,  which  are  made  of  a  very  hard  Wood.  They 
left  his  Body  on  the  fpot,  and  carri'd  away  his  Breviary  and 
Journal,  which  fince  came  to  the  Hands  of  a  Jefuite,  whom 
I  will  mention  in  my  other  Volume,  wherein  I  defign  to 
fpeak  of  the  Firft  Introdudion  of  the  Faith  into  Canada. 
Thefe  Barbarians  took  off  the  Skin  of  his  Head,  and  carri'd 
it  in  triumph  to  their  Village,  giving  out  that  it  was  the 
Hair  of  an  Iroquefe  whom  they  had  kill'd. 

Thus  di'd  this  Good  Old  Man ;  to  whom  we  may  apply 
what  the  Scripture  fays  of  thofe  whom  Herod  in  his  Fury 
caus'd  to  be  Slain,  Non  erat  qui  fepeliret ;  There  was  no  body 
to  Bury  him.  This  Worthy  Man  was  wont  in  the  Leffons 
he  made  us  in  our  Novitiate,  to  prepare  us  againft  the  like 
Accidents  by  Mortifications.  And  it  feems  that  he  had  fome 
forefight  of  what  befel  him.     So  Good  a  Man  deferv'd  a 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  347 

Better  Fate,  if  a  Better  might  be  wifh'd  for,  [239]  than  to 
die  in  the  Fun6lions  of  an  Apoftolical  MifTion,  by  the  Hands 
of  thofe  fame  Nations,  to  whom  the  Divine  Providence  had 
fent  him  to  convert  them. 

Father  Gabriel  was  about  65  Years  old.  He  had  not 
only  liv'd  an  exemplary  Life,  fuch  as  our  Good  Fathers  do, 
but  had  alfo  perform'd  all  the  Duties  of  the  Employments 
he  had  in  that  Order,  either  when  he  was  at  home  Guardian, 
Superior,  Inferior,  and  Mafter  of  the  Novices;  or  abroad 
when  he  was  in  Canada^  where  he  continu'd  from  the  Year 
1670,  until  his  Death.  I  underftood  feveral  times  by  his  Dif- 
courfes,  that  he  was  much  oblig'd  to  the  Flemings^  who  had 
maintain'd  him  a  long  time :  He  often  talk'd  to  us  about  it, 
to  infpire  us,  by  his  Example,  with  fome  Sentiments  of  Grat- 
itude towards  our  Benefa6lors.  I  have  feen  him  mov'd  with 
Grief,  confidering  that  fo  many  Nations  liv'd  in  the  Igno- 
rance of  the  Way  to  Salvation ;  and  he  was  willing  to  lofe  his 
Life,  to  deliver  them  out  of  their  Stupidity. 

The  Iroquefe  faid  of  him.  That  he  had  been  brought  to 
bed,  becaufe  his  Great  Belly  was  become  flat  by  his  frequent 
Fallings,  and  the  Aufterity  of  his  Life. 

M.  Tonti  can  never  clear  himfelf  of  his  Bafenefs,  for  for- 
faking  Father  Gabriel^  under  pretence  of  being  afraid  of  the 
Iroquefe :  For  though  they  are  a  Wild  Nation,  yet  they  lov'd 
that  Good  Old  Man,  who  had  been  often  among  them :  But 
M.  Tonti  might  bear  him  fome  Secret  Grudge;  becaufe 
Father  Gabriel^  after  the  Illinois  Defeat,  feeing  that  M.  Tonti 
had  over-laden  the  Canow  with  Beavers-Skins,  fo  that  there 


34^  A  New  Difcovery  of 

was  no  room  for  him,  he  did  throw  many  of  thefe  Skins  to 
the  Iroquefe,  to  ihew  them  that  he  was  not  come  into  that 
Country  to  get  Skins  or  other  Commodities. 

[240]  Father  Zenobe  had  neither  Credit  nor  Courage 
enough  to  perfuade  M.  Tonti  to  ftay  a  while  for  that  Good 
Father,  who  was  thus  facrific'd  to  fecure  fome  Beavers-Skins. 
I  do  not  doubt  but  the  Death  of  that  venerable  Old  Man 
was  very  precious  in  the  fight  of  God,  and  I  hope  it  will 
produce  one  time  or  other  its  Effedls,  when  it  fhall  pleafe 
God  to  fet  forth  his  Mercy  towards  thefe  Wild  Nations; 
and  I  do  wifh  it  might  pleafe  him  to  make  ufe  of  a  feeble 
means,  as  I  am,  to  finifti  what  I  have,  through  His  Grace, 
and  with  Labour,  fo  happily  begun. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  349 


CHAP.    LXXVI. 

The  Author's  Return  from  his  Difcovery,  to  Quebec ;  and  what 
hapned  at  his  Arrival  at  the  Convent  of  Our  Lady  of  Angels 
near  that  Town. 

COUNT  Frontenac,  Viceroy  of  Canada,  gave  me  two  of 
his  Guards,  who  underftood  very  well  to  manage  a 
Canow,  to  carry  me  to  Quebec.  We  fet  out  from  Champlein^s 
Fort,  mention'd  above;  and  being  near  the  Town,  I  landed, 
and  went  a-foot  through  the  Lands  newly  grubb'd  up,  to 
our  Monaftery,  bidding  the  Guards  to  carry  the  Canow 
along  with  them. 

I  would  not  land  at  Quebec,  becaufe  the  Bifhop  had  given 
order  to  his  Vicar-General  to  receive  me  in  his  Epifcopal 
Palace,  that  he  might  have  more  time  to  enquire  about  our 
Great  Difcovery :  But  Count  Frontenac  had  exprefly  order'd 
his  Major  that  was  in  the  Town,  to  prevent  that  Meeting, 
and  to  take  care  that  I  might  firft  be  brought  to  our 
Monaftery,  to  confer  with  Father  Valentin  de  Roux,  a  Man 
of  great  Underftanding,  and  Provincial- Commiffary  of  the 
Recolle6ls  in  Canada. 

[241]  There  was  then  in  our  Monaftery  of  Our  Lady  of 
Angels,  but  Three  MiiTionaries  with  the  faid  Commiffary ;  all 


350  -^  New  Difcovery  of 

the  reft  were  difpers'd  up-and-down  in  feveral  Miffions  above 
a  hundred  Leagues  from  Quebec.  One  may  eafily  imagine 
that  I  was  welcome  to  our  Monaftery ;  Father  Hilarion  Jeunet 
feem'd  furpriz'd,  and  told  me  with  a  fmiling  Countenance, 
Lazare  vent  foras.  Whereupon  I  ask'd  him  why  he  did 
apply  to  me  what  had  been  faid  of  Lazarus  ?  To  which  he 
anfwer'd,  that  two  Years  ago  a  Mafs  of  Requiem  had  been 
fung  for  me  in  the  Monaftery,  becaufe  fome  Savages  had 
given  out  for  certain,  to  a  Black  Gown,  i.  e.  a  Jefuit,  That 
the  Nation  whom  the  Iroquefe  call  Houioiiagaba,'^  had  hung 
me  to  a  Tree  with  St.  Francis's  Rope;  and  that  two  Men 
who  accompani'd  me,  had  been  alfo  in  a  very  cruel  manner 
put  to  Death  by  the  fame  Savages. 

Here  I  muft  confefs,  That  all  Men  have  their  Friends  and 
their  Enemies.  There  are  fome  Men  who,  like  the  Fire  that 
blackens  the  Wood  it  cannot  burn,  muft  needs  raife  Stories 
againft  their  Neighbours ;  and  therefore  fome  having  not 
been  able  to  get  me  into  their  Party,  fpread  abroad  this 
Rumour  of  my  Death,  to  ftain  my  Reputation  ;  and  that 
Noife  had  given  occafion  to  feveral  Difcourfes  in  Canada  to 
my  Prejudice.  However,  (for  I  will,  if  it  pleafe  God,  declare 
my  Mind  farther  upon  this  matter  in  another  Volume)  I 
ought  to  acknowledge  that  God  has  preferv'd  me  by  a  fort 
of  Miracle,  in  this  great  and  dangerous  Voyage,  of  which 
you  have  an  Account  in  this  Volume.  And  when  I  think  on 
it  with  attention,  I  am  perfuaded  that  Providence  has  kept 


^  See  p.  87,  note  1,  ante. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  351 

me  for  publifhing  to  the  World  the  Great  Difcoveries  I  have 
made  in  Eleven  Years  time,  or  thereabouts,  that  I  have  liv'd 
in  the  Weft-Indies. 

[242]  It  muft  be  obferv'd,  That  a  great  many  Men 
meddle  with  Bufinefs  that  don't  belong  to  them,  and  will 
conceive  a  Jealoufy  againft  thofe  that  won't  conform  to  their 
Humour.  The  Provincial-Commiffary,  of  whom  I  have 
fpoken  before,  was  very  urgent  to  have  a  Copy  of  the  Journal 
of  the  Difcovery  I  had  made  in  a  Voyage  of  almoft  four 
Years,  telling  me  he  would  keep  it  fecret.  I  took  his  Word ; 
for  I  thought,  and  I  think  ftill,  he  was  a  Man  of  Honour 
and  Probity.  Befides,  I  did  confider  that  he  could  inftrudl 
the  Bifhop  of  Quebec^  and  Count  Frontenac^  with  what  they 
had  a  mind  to  know  of  this  Difcovery,  and  fatisfy  them  both, 
without  expofing  my  felf. 

For  this  purpofe  were  intended  all  the  Care  he  took  of 
me,  and  all  the  extraordinary  Civilities  he  did  fhew  me,  in 
entertaining  me  with  all  he  could  get  then,  and  calling  me 
often  the  Rais'd-again.  He  defir'd  me  to  return  into  Europe, 
to  acquaint  the  Publick  with  the  great  Difcoveries  I  had 
made,  and  that  by  this  way  I  fhould  avoid  the  Jealoufy  of 
thefe  two  Men ;  that  it  was  very  difficult  to  pleafe  two 
Mafters,  whofe  Employment  and  Interefts  were  fo  different. 

He  had  then,  before  my  Return  into  Europe,  all  the  time 
that  was  neceffary  to  Copy  out  my  whole  Voyage  on  the 
River  Mefchaftpi,  which  I  had  undertook  againft  M.  de  la 
Sailers   Opinion,   who   has   made   fince   a  Voyage   from   the 


352  A  New  Difcovery  of 

Illinois  to  the  Gulph  of  Mexico^  in  the  Year  1682,  and  two 
Years  after  me.^  He  had  had  fome  fufpicion  I  had  made 
that  Voyage ;  yet  he  could  not  know  the  Truth  of  it  at  my 
Return  to  Fort  Frontenac,  becaufe  he  had  then  undertook  a 
Voyage  to  the  Outouagamis,  not  knowing  whether  the  Savages 
had  murther'd  me,  as  it  had  been  given  out. 

I  foUow'd  our  Commiffary's  Advice,  and  the  Refolution 
to  return  into  Europe;  but  before  I  fet  out,  [243]  I  fhew'd 
him  that  it  was  abfolutely  neceffary  for  the  Settlement  of 
Colonies  in  our  Difcoveries,  and  make  fome  progrefs  towards 
the  eftablifhing  of  the  Gofpel,  to  keep  all  thefe  feveral 
Nations  in  peace,  even  the  moft  remote,  and  aflift  them 
againft  the  Iroquefe,  who  are  their  Common  Enemies :  That 
thefe  Barbarians  never  make  a  True  Peace  with  thofe  that 
they  have  once  beaten,  or  they  hope  to  overcome,  in 
fpreading  Divifions  among  them ;  that  the  common  Maxim 
of  the  Iroquefe  had  always  been  fuch,  and  by  this  means  they 
had  deftroy'd  above  Two  Millions  of  Souls. 

The  Provincial-Commiffary  agreed  with  me  upon  all  this, 
and  told  me  that  for  the  future  he  fhould  give  me  all  the 
neceffary  Inftrudlions  for  that  purpofe. 


1  With  a  text  abounding  in  references  of  this  character,  disparaging  La  Salle  and 
setting  up  the  claim  that  the  author,  first  of  all  white  men,  voyaged  on  the  lower 
Mississippi,  it  is  surprising  that  Shea  should  advance  the  theory,  in  his  edition  of 
Louisiane,  that  the  account  of  this  voyage  was  interpolated  by  another  hand,  for  which 
Hennepin  should  not  be  held  responsible.  If  this  is  not  Hennepin's  claim,  then  all  of 
his  latest  books  are  open  to  the  suspicion  that  he  had  nothing  to  do  with  them  —  and 
this  is  inadmissible  ;  from  Preface  to  Finis,  the  narrative  is  clothed  in  his  unmistakable 
style. —  Ed. 


a  Large  Country  in  America.  353 

I  will  give  an  Account,  if  it  pleafe  God,  in  my  Second 
Volume,  of  the  Ways  and  Meafures  that  are  to  be  taken  for 
the  eftablifhing  of  the  Faith  among  the  many  Nations  of  fo 
different  Languages ;  and  how  good  Colonies  might  be  fetled 
in  thofe  great  Countries,  which  might  be  call'd  the  Delights 
of  America^  and  become  one  of  the  greateft  Empires  in  the 
World. 

FINIS. 

[End  of  Volume  I.— Ed.] 


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